How Reliable and Authentic is the Broad Report?

Part I – The origins of the report

Part II – The reliability of the report

Part III – The tone of the report

Part IV – The Broad report in Revisionist and Anti-Revisionist literature

This article looks into the issue to what extent the Broad report[1], supposedly written by the former member of the Political Department in Auschwitz Pery Broad in 1945, is an authentic, reliable document. The first part discusses the origins of the report, the second addresses its reliability, the third deals with its tone and last part reviews its use and critique in both Revisionist and Anti-Revisionist literature. Much of the testimonial and documentary evidence cited is directly quoted in the endnotes or the appendix.

Part I – The origins of the report

On 14 December 1945, the former Auschwitz SS-man Pery Broad testified in an affidavit (NI-11397[2]) in Minden on the use of Zyklon-B in Auschwitz concentration camp. Near the end of the document, Broad refers to his “account of my life at Auschwitz dated 13th July 1945, which I subsequently submitted to the British Intelligence Services” and quoted two extracts (196 words in total) on the use of Zyklon-B for homicidal gassing.

More than 13 years later, on 30 April 1959, Broad was interrogated by West-German investigators on the matters in Auschwitz and mentioned that he handed over a report on Auschwitz to the British in 1945. At the first Frankfurt Auschwitz trial (1963 – 1965) Broad was accused of duty at the so-called ramp, killing of prisoners during interrogations and participation in the execution of prisoners in Auschwitz concentration camp. The prosecution submitted a copy of the report as evidence, which was obtained from Hermann Rothmann, who was temporarily in charge of the 43th Intelligence Section stationed in the British Munsterlager, where Broad was working in 1945 – 1946 as a prisoner of war.[3] Rothmann was cross-examined on 20 April 1964 and testified the report reached him in spring 1946 and was supposedly authored by Broad, who worked as a translator in his office at the time. Rothmann confirmed that the content of the report was about identical to what Broad himself told him about Auschwitz.[4]

During the examination of Rothmann, Broad confirmed again that he wrote a report about Auschwitz in 1945. He explained it contained both personal experiences but also additions from his fantasy. When he came across the report again in 1946, it appeared to him that some parts were wrong and added to the document by others.[5]

To clarify the authorship of the report the court examined two more witnesses from the Munsterlager on 1 October 1964. Cornelis van het Kaar was commandant of a British unit for the interrogation of German POWs in Gorleben in June 1945. Broad approached him in mid June and told him about Auschwitz concentration camp. Van het Kaar realized the importance of the testimony and requested Broad to write down what he knew about these matters. The manuscript of the report was written by Broad himself by hand, the final report by his sergeant Paul Winter with a typewriter. The typed report was 75 pages long and was – according to van het Kaar - probably passed on to headquarter of the 2nd English Army. A copy of the report made at the time in Gorleben was still in possession of van het Kaar and was given to the court for photocopying. It is also noted that the report submitted to the court by Rothmann was only 50 pages long for formatting reasons. The unit accommodated Broad and he transferred with them to the Munsterlager.[6]

Van het Kaar’s subordinate Paul Winter testified that he had typed the report from Broad’s handwritten manuscript and recognized the document handed over to the court by van het Kaar as a carbon copy he made himself from the report[7]. The associate judge concluded in his notes that both van het Kaar and Winter made an “excellent, reliable impression” and answered “clearly and precisely” on the questions.[8]

In 1966, the report was published in the book “Hefte von Auschwitz 9” (p. 7 – 48) by the Auschwitz State Museum in Poland. There is no archive reference and date for the document provided and an inquiry via e-mail with the Auschwitz State Museum about the origin of the report remained unanswered. In the preface of the publication, Jerzy Rawicz (at the time secretary of the International Auschwitz Committee) did not explain how the report was obtained, but implies with his description of the document’s history that the report is identical to the report presented at the Auschwitz trial. In an English summary on page 137, it is noted that Broad’s “reminiscences form part of the evidential material in the Auschwitz trial”. Therefore it is likely that it was obtained from the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial, i.e. it could have been passed on by the public prosecution to a member of the International Auschwitz Committee, like Hermann Langbein, and then reached Rawicz.

The extracts from the report quoted in Broad’s affidavit of 14 December 1945 match the text in the publication of the Auschwitz State Museum. The ellipsis applied in the extracts and the relative page numbers correspond (assuming 50 pages in total - as in Rothmann’s copy) correspond as well. Furthermore, although the report obtained from Rothmann and van het Kaar is not reproduced on the DVD "Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess" (instead it was taken from “KL Auschwitz in den Augen der SS”, another publication by the Auschwitz State Museum), it was cited either directly or indirectly in the trial sessions, which allows to probe whether the report published by the Poles is essentially the same.

For example, van het Kaar testified during his examination that Broad wrote on page 6 (of 75 pages) about Grabner’s clearing procedure in Block 11 and on page 57 about a period in 1944 when three or four crematoria in Birkenau were working around the clock to handle 10,000 arrivals every day. The same topics are found in the Auschwitz State Museum publication at a similar relative page number. The public prosecutor Kügler quoted in his plea on 20 May 1965 in total 154 words of verbatim extract from the report about the homicidal gassings in Birkenau. The lawyer of the joint plaintiff Ormond quoted in his plea on 25 May 1965 a 154 word extract from the report about the destruction of the Hungarian Jews in Auschwitz. Both extracts exactly match the wording in the ASM publication. The extract quoted by Kügler also includes the quotation from the report cited in Broad’s affidavit of 14 December 1945.

The Broad report was read out in Frankfurt on 20 April 1964 after Rothmann’s examination. The DVD "Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess" does not produce Broad’s reaction and subsequent examination. However, there is a transcript reproduced in the book “Der Auschwitz-Prozess” by Hermann Langbein. Before making use of the transcript the reliability of the publication should be addressed. There are several reasons to support the reliability of Langbein’s transcripts.

First of all, it is stated that the audio recordings of the witness examinations were not deleted after the trial due to Langbein’s objection.[9] If Langbein did manipulate his transcripts in some way, there would have been little motivation for him to engage in keeping the evidence that would expose him, in the contrary. Secondly, since the trial was open to the public and journalists, it would have been quite a risk to publish falsified transcripts. Thirdly, since the verbatim transcripts of the witness examinations are available nowadays through the DVD “Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess”, Langbein’s transcript can be directly checked for their reliability. For instance, comparing Langbein’s notes of the testimony of van het Kaar with the verbatim transcript from the audio recordings shows these are accurate. Fourthly, according to Langbein’s transcript Broad denied a full authenticity of his report in the beginning. If Langbein attempted to falsify his notes of the examination, this would have been one of the things that he would likely flush down the memory hole. Fifthly, a certain detail of Broad’s reaction, namely that he stated that he did not know where the number of 2 to 3 Million victims comes from, is confirmed by the recordings of the later examinations of Winter and van het Kaar. Thus, Langbein’s transcript of Broad’s examination on the report is most likely reliable.

According to this transcript, Broad stated that he accepted that some of the report is from his manuscript, but not the whole document and that it seemed to him that it contains a lot of external knowledge. He immediately weakened this assertion and acknowledged that a lot in the report was correct, only some was wrong. He also agreed that it seems like the report is written in one style and by one person and that is him. He confirmed that the descriptions of the Zeppelin-Kommando, the gassings, the gas chambers, the destruction of the Hungarian Jews in spring 1944, the gypsies' camp and Grabner activities are his own. He identified specifically the number of victims as something which he could not recall anymore were it did come from and which he could not know.[10] On this latter issue some more information was provided by the lawyer of the joint plaintiff Ormond in his examination of van het Kaar. On the question, where he got the number of victims from, Broad replied that he might have taken it from the press.[11]

To sum it up, there are several reasons to accept the report as an authentic document written by Pery Broad. Firstly, two witnesses from the Gorleben POW camp confirmed the authenticity of the report at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial. Both witnesses (van het Kaar and Winter) left an excellent and reliable impression to the court upon cross-examination. Another witness (Rothmann) from the Munsterlager confirmed that the report contained what was told to him by Broad. Secondly, while Broad did have objections against the authenticity of the document, he could not sustain those very much upon cross-examination and admitted the authorship of the descriptions mentioned during his examination by Ormond, including homicidal gassings.

His main objection was the number of victims mentioned in the report. According to the trial recordings, he could not even exclude that this was also written by him (taken from the press though). Therefore, in the end, his account provides no convincing evidence to conclude a falsification of the report. Thirdly, two extracts from the report were already quoted back in 1945 by Broad himself in his affidavit of 14 December 1945. Fourthly, as pointed out by the proceeding judge at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial, the report reads in fact as if it was written in one cast and one style by a single person.

So if the report is authentic, why did Broad bring forward his objection in the first place? He raised strong doubts about the authenticity and reliability of the document even before it was read out in court. It may have been that he did not recall exactly what he had written in the report 20 years ago and thought to question its authenticity as a preventive defence manoeuvre in case it was too incriminating for himself. When the report was read out in full, he might have felt uncomfortable with the extensive details he provided, which may have raised doubts about his alleged bystander role in Auschwitz. It is also possible that some of the details he described in the report escaped him, especially those parts which are hearsay, so that he had genuine problems to recognize his full authorship due to memory fading.

Part II – The reliability of the Broad report

The original report is not subdivided into chapters, but for clarity, the sectioning suggested in the publication “Auschwitz in den Augen der SS” is adapted and section titles are written in German and English translation in square brackets. Descriptions from the report, which are paraphrased without explicitly stating so, are shown in italics.

The first section begins with a mostly accurate description of layout, location and security measurements of Auschwitz main camp and Birkenau. The early history of the Auschwitz concentration camp, that it was found in 1940 moving into former military barracks and factory buildings, is correctly explained. The numbers of internees given as 20.000 to 25.000 for Auschwitz main camp and 30.000 women and 50.000 to 60.000 men in Birkenau is of the right magnitude.[12] The report notes the poor hygienic situation especially in Birkenau and insufficient provision resulting in high death rates among the prisoners and great suffering.

A large number of prisoners committed suicide by hanging themselves, by getting shot by the fire from the guard towers or by running into the high current barbed fencing. Such incidents are confirmed by the Auschwitz death books, where 119 suicides by hanging or “electrical current” are listed as well as 67 shootings on escape.[13] The record department (Erkennungsdienst) was sent to the scene to take photographs of the suicide as confirmed by the testimony of Bernhard Walter, at the time a member of this service in Auschwitz.[14]

The report considers Auschwitz the “biggest extermination camp of history” with a Jewish death toll of 2 to 3 Million, which is more than twice or three times as much as the actual figure according to what is known.[15] It is of purpose to review Broad’s duties in the camp to figure out how serious this inaccuracy actually is. According to his account, Broad served first as a guard after his arrival in Auschwitz main camp on 8 April 1942 and was assigned on 18 June 1942 to the Political Department[16] in the section for investigations and interrogations in civil law matters[17]. Note that a personnel SS file lists him as member of the 8./SS-T-Stuba KL Auschwitz until 23 December 1942[18]. The difference is most likely for administrative reasons, and not a mistake on Broad’s side, as he described for instance the Budy revolt in his report with extensive insider knowledge from the Political Department, which took place in October 1942. Since autumn 1943 Broad was working as a representative of the Political Department in the gypsies' camp in Auschwitz-Birkenau.[19] So as far as it is known, Broad’s regular duty was not to deal with the administration of the incoming and selected transports and therefore he had presumably only a limited view on the primary documents. The figure of exterminated Jews in Auschwitz has to be either a rough estimate by him (without proper overview of the data) or is taken from hearsay sources. At the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial, he suggested he may have taken it from the press after the war in the Munsterlager. This explanation was rejected by van het Kaar and Winter.[20] In any case, the mistake cannot be considered too serious.

[Block 11]

The report provides an extensive description of the clearing of the cells in Block 11 in Auschwitz main camp by Max Grabner (correctly identified as SS-Untersturmführer[21] and head of the Political Department), other members of the political department, Aumeier (correctly identified as SS-Hauptsturmführer and Lagerführer[22]), Stiwitz (correctly identified as SS-Unterscharführer and Rapportführer[23]), a SS doctor and several Blockführer.

To gain prison space, internees are selected by Grabner and Aumeier to be executed with a small calibre rifle at the black wall in the yard between Block 10 and 11. In his interrogation of 1 May 1959 (i.e. before the report was available to the investigators), Broad recalled the essence of such clearing action, though much less detailed.[24] The detailed description in the report is fully corroborated by former prisoner Jan Pilecki in his examination of 14 May 1964. Pilecki was prisoner clerk in Block 11 between December 1942 and May 1944. The testimony of Peter Budan of 16 July 1964, who was also a clerk in Block 11 during a short period around 1942/1943, corroborates this account.

The report explains precisely one of their duties, when it says that the clerks wrote the prisoner number on the skin of those selected to be executed in the washing room of Block 11 for later identification in the morgue or crematorium. The clearing actions in Block 11 have also been reported by the former SS men Klaus Dylewski[25], Franz Hofmann[26], Bruno Schlage[27], Helmut Bartsch[28] and Karl Broch[29].

Polish prisoners killed in this manner still expressed their national pride in their last moments before the execution and died on their feet. The Auschwitz commandant Rudolf Höß mentioned this specific detail in his autobiography (referring to executions ordered by the drumhead court-martial, see next paragraph).[30]

[Polizeistandgericht/drumhead court-martial]

The next section deals likewise detailed with holdings of the police drumhead court-martial of Kattowitz in Auschwitz concentration camp, which includes descriptions of torturing prisoners into confession in the former post barrack and their sentence to death by Dr. Mildner (correctly identified as SS-Obersturmbannführer and Oberregierungsrat[31]) in a room in Block 11. Broad confirmed in his interrogation of 1 May 1959 that he had been present to the latter incident.[32] The holdings of the police drumhead court-martial Kattowitz in Auschwitz have also been reported by Rudolf Höß[33], Hermann Langbein[34], Edward Burakowski[35] and Mildner’s successor Johannes Thümmler[36]. According to the report, these holdings took place once or twice a month; a similar frequency was also mentioned by Höß (every 4 – 6 weeks). The torturing into confession consisted of beating the prisoners, who are mounted on a horizontal bar, cynically named the swing (Schaukel). The device was introduced to Auschwitz by external Gestapo officer (the use of the swing is corroborated by the former members of the political department Wilhelm Boger[37] and Klaus Dylewski[38] and Pery Broad[39] himself as well as the former SS judge Konrad Morgen[40]). The torturing of prisoners specifically by members of the police drumhead court-martial Kattowitz is confirmed by Dylewski[41] and was also known to Boger[42].

Typhus and other epidemics were the order of the day both in prisons in the area and in Auschwitz concentration camp (typhus epidemic in the prison in Myslowitz[43] as well as in Auschwitz[44] are well documented).

[Erschiessungen im alten Krematorium/Shootings in the old crematorium]

In this section, the report describes the shooting of prisoners sentenced to death by the police drumhead court-martial Kattowitz in the crematorium in Auschwitz main camp. Of 210 people convicted by the court-martial on an afternoon, 206 were sentenced to death; such large numbers are confirmed (hearsay) by Thümmler and Langbein (see appendix G).

The report describes the crematorium in the main camp. Three sides of the building were covered with earth embankments, of which one earth embankment was discontinued to allow ventilation of the furnace room by a window. It mentions a quadratic chimney separated from the building by several meters (2 m actually) and an angular tube on top of the roof for ventilation of the corpse room. Each of these details is corroborated by the inventory plan of 10 April 1942.[45]

The inside of the crematorium consists basically of an anteroom, a corpse room and a furnace room with four ovens (actually six ovens, but one double-muffle oven was not readily visible from the anteroom and could have easily escaped). It is correctly pointed out that the ovens were run with coke. Each of the ovens (means muffles) is loaded with four to six corpses. The practice of multiple cremations in Auschwitz is corroborated by numerous accounts (former Auschwitz commandant Rudolf Höß[46], former head of crematoria 1 and 2 in Birkenau Erich Mussfeldt[47] and the former Sonderkommando prisoners Stanislaw Jankowski[48], Henryk Tauber[49], Dov Paisicovic[50], Shlomo Dragon[51], Henryk Mandelbaum[52], Joshua Rosenblum[53], Leon Cohen[54]), as well as by a letter of Topf engineer Fritz Sander of 14 September 1942[55]. These testimonies suggest a loading per muffle of up to three adults and that higher figures were achieved with corpses of children. In this particular context - the execution of prisoners in the crematorium in the main camp - the number of children was probably low, so that Broad’s figure seems to be slightly exaggerated.

Several meter high flames were emitted by the chimney of the crematorium and the smell of burned flesh spread over kilometres. The description is confirmed by Broad himself (referring to the crematoria in Birkenau though) at his interrogation of 8 February 1961[56], as well as by Josef Erber[57] and Oswald Kaduk[58]. The phenomenon of flame emission from chimneys was also testified by Alois Eisenhändler[59].

The execution of the convicted takes place in the corpse room of the crematorium after they undressed in the antechamber. The killings were carried out by shootings in the neck by Palitzsch. This scene is confirmed in Broad’s interrogation of 30 April 1959 (with the minor that groups of 5 – instead of 10 – convicted were entering the corpse room). The shooting of prisoners in the crematorium by Palitzsch is also recalled by Hans Stark[60] and Filip Müller[61]. Shootings of external prisoners in the crematorium are reported by Stanislaw Jankowski[62]. The shootings of Palitzsch (here presumably at the black wall at Block 11) were also an issue for the former SS investigator Konrad Morgen[63].

The report claims that there were 12 retractable gallows in the yard of Block 11. Both the number as well as the feature of retract ability are likely mistaken. According to the respective footnote in “Auschwitz in den Augen der SS” there were “two portable gallows” and “several pickets” which looked like gallows in the yard of Block 11. However, it cannot be ruled out that Broad actually wrote about 1 – 2 gallows, which was mistakenly transcribed as "12".

What follows is a description of the hanging of 13 Polish engineers as “sanction” for an escape attempt by a prisoner of the construction office. According to Czech's Kalendarium, this mass hanging of actually 12 prisoners from the Vermessungskommando took place on 19 July 1943. The incident is confirmed by former commandant Rudolf Höß[64] and several witnesses at the Auschwitz trial: Erwin Olszowka[65], Tadeusz Paczula[66], Leon Czekalski[67], Georg Severa[68], Jiri Beranovsky[69].

The flesh of executed prisoners was cut out by SS doctors to perform medical investigations (corroborated by Imrich Gönczi[70], who was working at the SS-Hygieneinstitut, Ota Fabian[71], Max Kasner[72] and Filip Müller[73]). The SS doctor Paul Kremer mentioned in his war-time diary that he obtained fresh livers on 3, 10, 15 and 17 October 1942 as well as on 10 November 1942. After the war, Kremer testified that he obtained samples of liver from prisoners who were killed by phenol injection[74]. The entry on 17 October 1942 - „lebendfrisches Material von Leber, Milz und Pankreas nach Pilocarpininjektion entnommen" - suggests that the sample was taken from a prisoner who was killed with a pilocarpin overdose (if the liver was not removed while he was still alive).[75]

In Block 10, medical experiments on prisoners were carried out, which is confirmed by former SS man Franz Hofmann[76] and former prisoner Imrich Gönczi[77]. Experiments on sterilization, typhus and in vitro fertilization were supervised by Professor Glauberg (actually Clauberg) and Dr. Schumann (corroborated by Rudolf Höß[78]).

[Revolte in Budy/revolt in Budy]

The next section deals with a massacre among female Jewish prisoners in the sub-camp Budy committed by female guards and SS men. The Political Department drove to the scene to investigate the massacre, which is why Broad could give an extensive account on it. Rudolf Höß confirmed the incident - including the killing with an axe - in his autobiographical memoirs (though much less detailed).[79] Former SS officer Josef Klehr also remembered the revolt.[80]

In the aftermath of the massacre surviving prisoners were executed with 2 cm³ of phenol injection (presumably too little amount of phenol compared to other statements). Six German female guards, who were made responsible for the massacre, were also executed by the SS with phenol injections in the heart. The latter is corroborated by Kremer’s diary entry of 24 October 1942 (which allows to date the event in October 1942), which mentions that “six women from the Budy revolt have been given injection (Klehr)”. Kremer confirmed in his testimony of 30 July 1947 that he was present at the killing of six women sentenced to death because of the Budy revolt.[81] At the Auschwitz trial, on 4 June 1964, Kremer testified that he witnessed the killing of a woman supposedly from a revolt with 10 to 20 cm³ of phenol injected by Klehr. There were 4 or 5 more women to be executed, but he left the scene before it was carried out. Phenol injections related to the “Budy revolt” are also reported by the former prisoner Tadeusz Paczula.[82]

The death reports of those executed German female guards as well as of prisoners executed by shooting and by phenol injections and of those who died of hunger or mistreatment during interrogations were falsified with natural death causes. The systematic falsification of death causes in Auschwitz is corroborated by former SS medical officer Klehr[83] and former prisoners, who were involved in the administration of the deaths, such as Karl Lill[84], Raya Kagan[85], Tadeusz Holuj[86], Hermann Reineck[87], Emil de Martini[88], Wladyslaw Fejkiel[89], Jan Pilecki[90], Tadeusz Paczula[91], Ludwik Kowalczyk[92], Hermann Langbein[93], Wieslaw Kielar[94]. The former Auschwitz commandant Rudolf Höß stated that concealed executions by phenol injections were carried out in Auschwitz at the order of the RSHA and that false death certificates were issued in these cases.[95] The SS doctor Franz Lucas remembered that he refused to sign falsified death certificates in Mauthausen concentration camp[96] and that he only signed true death certificates in Auschwitz.[97] It should be noted, however, that he served in Auschwitz in 1944, when the conditions had improved compared to the previous years.
Furthermore, the falsification of death causes is evident from some of the remaining camp documentation. On 7 June 1942 Abram Warszawiski was taken into the camp with the prisoner number 42679. According to the death certificate, he died of “sudden cardiac death” on 23 July 1942, whereas according to the entry in the book of the “Führer vom Dienst” he was, in fact, shot on escape. Likewise, Alex Farkas, who came into the camp on 22 May 1942 with prisoner number 36455, was recorded of having died of “sudden cardiac death” on 23 June 1942, but was also shot on escape according to the respective entry in the book “Führer vom Dienst” (see appendix Y).

[Das Massaker an den Sowjetischen Kriegsgefangenen/The massacre of the Soviet POWs]

The report expounds that of 12,000 Russian POWs, who were brought to the camp in Winter 1941/1942, only 150 were still alive in summer 1942. According to the former Auschwitz commandant Höß, of 10,000 Russian POWs deported to Auschwitz to erect the Birkenau camp only “few hundred” were still alive in summer 1942.[98] Nikolaj Wassiljew, a former Russian POW, testified at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial that of 13,000 Russian POWs there were 150 left in summer 1942.[99] Kazimierz Smolen, who worked as a clerk in the political department, stated that of 10,000 Russian POWs in 1941, to which some more were added later, only 150 survived until mid 1942.[100] The so called Stärkebuch indicates that only 163 Soviet prisoners were still in the camp by 18 August 1942.[101] Further corroboration for the strength of the Russian POWs and their very high death rates can be found in from the card files and the death book concerning the Russian POWs, which shows that of 10,000 already more than 8000 had died until early 1942.[102]

The report mentions a mass escape of 90 Russian POWs. According to an escaped Russian prisoner, Andrej Alexandrowitsch Pogoshew, such incident took place on 6 November 1942.[103] Rudolf Höß also remembered a mass escape of Russian prisoners.[104] There was a prisoners’ detail “Zeppelin”, stationed outside Auschwitz, in which Russians were trained for tasks behind the enemy frontline. This special detail was confirmed by Broad in his interrogation of 8 February 1961[105] and by former Auschwitz adjutant Robert Mulka in his interrogation of 8 November 1960[106]. The “Sonderkommando Zeppelin” is also mentioned in the Auschwitz commandants orders between August 1942 and March 1943.[107]

After their transfer to Birkenau, thousands of Soviet POWs were shot in a forest near Birkenau. The figure has to be considered exaggerated as only 945 Soviet POWs were still alive on 1 March 1942, around the time when the POW camp was established in Birkenau.[108] The executed Soviet POWs were buried in mass graves with the dimensions 50 - 60 x 4 x 4 meters. Mass graves in Birkenau in 1942 are well corroborated (for instance by Rudolf Höß[109]), but are usually associated with the Jewish victims liquidated at Bunker 1 and 2 extermination sites and less with mass-executed Soviet POWs. Broad confirmed his version (which he claims is hearsay) in his interrogation of 1 May 1959 (“mass graves of the Russians”). The comparison with the interrogation is instructive as it indicates that the mistake was not committed by a supposed forger of the report (who is suggested by Revisionists), but by Broad himself.

The corpses in the mass graves were fouling, moving the earth, poisoning the water and polluting the air. In his interrogation of 1 May 1959 Broad explained more detailed that he was told that the decomposition products in the graves could not leach into the ground, which led to a breaking-up of the mass-graves.[110] Josef Erber also mentioned this issue with the mass-graves.[111]

The mass graves were opened when the Katyn massacre was all around in the press, i.e. after April 1943. The reference to Katyn is an anachronism as the mass graves were opened and cleared in autumn 1942 (according to Höß end of summer to November 1942). It is noteworthy that the same confusion was also committed by Grabner in his post-war report.[112] The opening of the mass graves and burning of the corpses was supervised by Franz Hößler (identified as SS-Hauptscharführer, which he had at the time Broad came to Auschwitz[113], but he was, in fact, SS-Untersturmführer when the mass graves were opened[114]). Hößler’s involvement in these activities is confirmed by Rudolf Höß[115], Maximilian Grabner[116], Hans Aumeier[117] as well as by the war-time report[118] of Walther Dejaco on his trip with Höß and Hößler to Chelmno to inspect an “experimental station of field ovens for Aktion Reinhard” on 16 September 1942[119].

Moll (correctly identified as SS-Hauptscharführer[120]) was aiding Hößler in opening and clearing the mass graves. Moll’s involvement is confirmed in a report by Grabner[121] as well as in the interrogation of Otto Moll and Rudolf Höß of 16 April 1946.[122] Several hundreds of Jews were employed in a special detail to clear the mass graves (according to the Danuta Czech’s Kalendarium there were about 300 prisoners in the special detail[123]). Moll received the war merit cross (Kriegsverdienstkreuz) of first-class (confirmed by a commandant's order[124]). Hößler, too, was decorated with a Kriegsverdienstkreuz, but there is no corroboration known so far in the literature.

Next, the report describes a successful escape of two Sonderkommando prisoners, a French and Greek Jew, from the burning pits at night. The SS men, who were made responsible for the escape, were sent to the Matzkau punishment camp for several months. There was indeed a SS punishment camp Danzig-Matzkau, to which the former SS man Karl Hölblinger was sent for instance.[125] So far there is no documentary or testimonial corroboration known for the successful Sonderkommando escape. Broad also mentions the episode of a failed escape of two prisoners from the Sonderkommando from the burning pits, who were later caught in a barn near Auschwitz and put into Block 11. This could be related to the escape of two Jews from the Sonderkommando on 9 March 1943, who were caught in a forest near Jedlin.[126]

Palitzsch was having affairs with female prisoners and was sent to Matzkau-Danzig (corroborated by Wilhelm Boger, who claimed that he investigated against Palitzsch exactly because of this matter[127]). Hermann Diamanski, who was Blockältester in the gypsies' camp, stated that it was, in fact, Broad who caught Palitzsch with a female gypsy and arrested him.[128]

The term “specially treated” was employed to describe murder in Auschwitz. The use of this euphemism is mentioned by Broad himself at his interrogation of 7 February 1961[129] as well as by the former SS personnel Rudolf Höß[130], Robert Mulka[131], Wilhelm Boger[132], Anton Wilhelmy[133], Otto Karhausen[134], Charlotte Bartsch[135] and the former prisoners Lilly Majerczyk[136], Helene Cougno[137], Otto Kulka[138], Hermann Langbein[139], Jenny Schaner[140] and Emil de Martini[141].

[Gas]

The report goes back to Block 11 in Auschwitz main camp and provides a description of the various cells: apart from normal cells, there were “dark cells” (Dunkelzelle) and four “standing cells” (Stehzelle). This is confirmed by the former prisoner clerks in Block 11 Jan Pilecki[142] and Gerard Wloch[143]. The dark cells have a size of 8 m² (confirmed by a drawing of the Block of 26 June 1944[144]). 40 Russian POWs were once packed into a dark cell and died of suffocation. In the attic of the Block 11, prisoners were tortured by getting hanged to a pole with arms on the back (Pfahlhängen). This method of punishment in Block 11 was experienced by Jan Pilecki[145] as well as by the former prisoner Kapo Josef Windeck[146]. The term was also known to a former prisoner clerk in the Political Department, Regina Steinberg, who testified that they had to clear all references to “poles” in the files.[147]

On one day, the bluish corpses of Russian POWs, who were killed through poison gas, were dragged out of a dark cell in Block 11. This reference to the first homicidal gassings in Auschwitz in Block 11 has to be dated prior Broad’s duty in Auschwitz and was passed on to him by others, including prisoners as indicated in the report (“some older prisoners…remembered…”). The early gassings in Block 11 have been mentioned by the former SS men Rudolf Höß[148], Maximilian Grabner[149] and Henry Storch[150]. The blue discolouration of the gassed corpses in Block 11 is also reported by former prisoners Ludwik Banach[151], Walter Petzold[152], Jozef Weber, Aleksander Germanski and Tadeusz Kurant[153]. While cyanide poisoning is sometimes attributed with cherry red discolouration, this is often not the case[154] or not prominent and not-detectable for inexperienced observers.

According to the report, gassings were carried out in the crematorium of Auschwitz main camp in 1942. Homicidal gassings in the crematorium in the main camp have been mentioned by the former SS men Rudolf Höß[155], Maximillian Grabner[156], Hans Aumeier[157], Josef Klehr[158], Oswald Kaduk[159], Herbert Scherpe[160], Hans Stark[161], Friedrich Schlupper[162], Kurt Leischow[163], Richard Böck[164], Gerhard Hess[165], Martin Wilks[166], Karl Broch[167], Anton Wilhelmy[168], Henry Storch[169] as well as the former prisoners Hermann Langbein[170], Czeslaw Glowacki[171], Ignacy Golik[172], Edward Pys[173], Jan Sikorski[174], Raya Kagan[175], Karl Lill[176], Zdzislaw Mikolajski[177], Filip Müller[178], Stanislaw Jankowski[179] and Erwin Bartel[180].

Vaupel (identified as SS-Hauptscharführer[181]) appointed six veteran SS-guards to close the roads and paths to the crematorium. 300 to 400 Jews, mostly elderly, are sent from the train ramp to the yard of the crematorium. Grabner and Hößler on the roof of the crematorium explain the group they should undress and take a bath. The victims are guided into the chamber and a gas-tight door is closed. The gas is thrown into the chamber through six openings in the roof by the “disinfectors”, like Adolf Theuer (misspelt Teuer, identified as SS-Unterscharführer[182], supposedly received Kriegsverdienstkreuz).

They open tin cans with the label “Zyklon, zur Schädlingsbekämpfung. Achtung, Gift! Nur von geschultem Personal zu öffnen” (which is roughly what was written on the actual Zyklon-B cans) and pour them into the openings. The cans contain blue pellets of pie size (see appendix N), which release prussic acid gas. A truck is running in front of the crematorium in order to drown out the screams of the victims killed in the gas chamber. After four minutes, there is silence from the gas chamber. The gas is extracted from the gas chamber by turning on the ventilation and the corpses are removed by the prisoners working in the crematorium. The clothes are removed by a clean-up detail.

This gassing procedure is generally in accordance with the picture derived from the above-cited testimonies. The gas was introduced through openings in the roof by SS men with gas masks. There are some disagreements on the number of openings. Klehr and Pys cpnfirmed Theuer’s duty as “disinfector” at the gas chamber in the crematorium in the main camp. The victims had to undress before entering the gas chamber, either in the yard or in the anteroom (Höß). In some cases (Müller, Mikolajski), presumably, when they were not cooperating enough, they were sent into gas chambers fully clothed. The engines of a truck, a car (Pys) or motor-bikes (Hess, Golik, Sikorski) were running during the gassing to drown out the noise from the inside of the gas chamber. The same practice is also reported for homicidal gassings in the Lublin concentration camp.[183]

At his examination on 2 March 1946 Broad also described a gassing operation in the old crematorium, but less detailed and from some distance[184]. In his affidavit of 20 October 1947 he included in the description of the scene some more details, which already appeared in the report, namely the closing of the roads by SS veterans, the speech by Grabner standing on top of the crematorium and the running of the engine of a truck to drown out any noise from the gas chamber.[185] He also repeated this account in his interrogation of 30 April 1959[186] and very condensed during his examination at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial on 13 January 1964[187].

While all these accounts after the report are consistent to each other, they place the witness Broad at some distance, 50 to 100 m, from the scene. On the other hand, in the report the gassing is clearly described by an observer from the crematorium yard and even from inside the crematorium. Either the witness Broad saw a gassing or gassings only from some distance (from the SS sickbay) and added to the description elements he was told by others or he saw from a killing site in Birkenau or from his imagination. Alternatively, he was a close bystander or perpetrator in and around the crematorium recalling the scene properly in the report, but suppressed his active or passive involvement for self protection in his later interrogations towards investigators. Broad did demonstrable incorporate hearsay information into the report (for instance, about the gassing in Block 11) but these descriptions are usually briefer and less detailed. Also Broad did claim at the Auschwitz trial that the report contained information from his imagination, but he did not identify his account of the gassing in the old crematorium as such. In fact, the report shows a high-degree of accuracy and corroborated details, with little tendency to fantasize. Therefore, it appears to be more likely that he was at least once a bystander or perpetrator at a gassing operation in the crematorium in Auschwitz main camp, which he felt necessary to describe in the report, but suppressed in his later interrogations and examinations.

The statement that “transport by transport” was exterminated “every day” in the crematorium is exaggerated. At his interrogation of 2 March 1946 Broad estimated there was a gassing in the crematorium once or twice a month.[188]

The chimney of the crematorium had cracks due to overheating later on. Damages on the old and new chimney of the crematorium are reported in the files of the central construction office.[189]

Auschwitz was expected to receive Jewish transport from France, Belgium, Holland, Germany, Poland, Greek, Italy, Slowakia, Czech and Hungary. According to Piper, these represent indeed the main deportation countries with only Yugoslavia missing (and Norway being neglectable).[190] The report mentions the collection camps Verne near Paris, Westerbork (misspelled Westerberg) in Holland and Theresienstadt in Czech Slovakia.

[Zwei kleine Bauernhäuser/Two small farmhouses]

In this section the report deals with the extermination of Jewish transports in Birkenau in its early phase. Transports, which arrived at the ramp in Auschwitz, were announced in the SS barracks with the phrase “Transport ist da!” as also reported by former SS man Helmut Pomreinke[191] and as a variant by former SS man Richard Böck[192]. The head of a transport is usually a police officer (corroborated by deportations documents[193]). The sealed freight cars (corroborated by former SS men Franz Lucas[194], Friedrich Schlupper[195], Anton Glaser[196] and the former head of dispatch of goods at the station Auschwitz Willi Hilse[197]) are unloaded at the ramp and selected into fit and unfit for work by SS doctors. Those who are selected as fit for work are taken into the camp to the Sauna, have their heads shaved[198], receive blue-white striped prisoner clothes[199] and a prisoner number tattooed on the left forearm (see report of a local police station in Auschwitz[200]).

Mothers with small children are in principle sent to those unfit for work (corroborated by former SS men Wilhelm Boger[201] and Oswald Kaduk[202]). The SS admission detail records and reports to Grabner the number of people selected for each group (corroborated by the former head of the admission detail Hans Stark[203]) and compare the figures with the transport list (corroborated by Josef Erber[204]).  

Six trucks from the SS motor pool pick up the people unfit for work (corroborated by the SS motor pool driver Karl Hölblinger[205], Richard Böck[206], Hubert Christoph[207], Anton Siebald[208], Fritz Gaar[209] and Otto Vollrath[210], as well as the former SS men Stefan Baretzki[211], Wilhelm Boger[212], Franz Hofmann[213] and Josef Klehr[214]). Transportable wooden stair cases aid to load the trucks (as reported by the former SS driver Willy Wildermuth[215]).  

The disinfectors are carried with an ambulance car (corroborated by Karl Hölblinger[216] and Richard Böck[217] as well Josef Klehr[218] and in Broad’s interrogation of 1 May 1959[219]). Josef Klehr (correctly identified as SS-Oberscharführer[220], received the Kriegsverdienstkreuz for his regular transport duty[221]) is sitting in the front of the car. The luggage of the deported people stays back at the ramp and is collected by a prisoners' clean-up detail (corroborated by former SS men Rudolf Höß[222], Stefan Baretzki[223], Wilhelm Boger[224], Willy Frank[225], Franz Hofmann[226] and Willy Schatz[227] ).

The people selected as unable for work at the ramp are brought to the extermination complex consisting of two white-washed farmhouses, designated as Bunker, with thatched roofs, gas-tight doors and small wooden shutters instead of windows, several horse-stable barracks and a trolley track leading to burning pits. The Bunker extermination site is mentioned by the former SS men Rudolf Höß[228], Josef Erber[229], Hans Stark[230], Robert Mulka (hearsay)[231], Hans Aumeier[232], Johann Kremer[233], Friedrich Entresss[234], Horst Fischer[235], Oswald Kaduk[236], Hans Mußfeldt[237], Karl Hölblinger[238], Richard Böck[239], Willy Wildermuth[240], Franz Tomaszewski[241], Anton Siebald[242], Gerhard Hess (hearsay)[243], as well as the former prisoners Shlomo Dragon[244], Dov Paisikovic[245], Milton Buki[246], Filip Müller[247], David Olere (drawing)[248], Eliezer Eisenschmidt[249], Shaul Chasan[250], Leon Cohen[251], Shlomo Venezia[252], Miklos Nyiszli[253], Andre Lettich[254], Sigismund Bendel[255], Adolf Rögner[256], Franciszek Gulba[257], Wilhelm Wohlfahrt[258], Henryk Porebski[259], Moshe Garbarz[260], Maurice Benroubi[261] and Walter Löbner (hearsay)[262]. In his interrogation of 8 February 1961 Broad also testified about the Bunker gassing installations, but providing no details on the rest of the extermination sites.[263]

The above cited testimonies on the Bunker complex are of different quality and accuracy as has to be expected from eyewitness accounts, but confirm in general the description in the report, namely the existence of the extermination site, the two gassing facilities in 1942/1943 (one in summer 1944), horse stable barracks for undressing and trolleys with which the gassed corpses are brought to incineration pits. There are typically variations in the number of barracks, number and size of burning pits etc.

The report describes how the inhabitants of the village Wohlau from across the Weichsel could often witness the extermination process in the night. Broad also testified about this in his affidavit of 20 October 1947, though he attributed the description to an SS guard. [264] He clarified that the people of Wohlau were watching the extermination not from their village but from the river bank in some 1000 m distance. Broad is possibly but not necessarily referring to the village Jedlin instead of Wohlau as the former was closer to the extermination sites.

In the burning pits more than 1000 corpses are layered with wood in between (corroborated Henryk Mandelbaum[265] and a report by the camp resistance[266]) and are ignited with methanol (corroborated by Rudolf Höß[267]).

Before the incineration, the gold teeth of the gassed victims are extracted (corroborated Rudolf Höß[268], Victor Capesius[269], Hans Stark[270], Kurt Jurasek[271], Wilhelm Boger[272] and Konrad Morgen[273]).

The hair shorn from the people who were selected for work and were taken into the camp is made to money (corroborated by former adjutant Robert Mulka[274], the report misses to point out here that also the hair of the gassed victims was shorn and used for this purpose).

The SS men who participated in the operation receive a voucher for special provisions and 1/5 liter of schnaps (corroborated by the diary entry of SS doctor Paul Kremer of 5 September 1942[275], Josef Klehr[276], Karl Hykes[277], Franz Hofmann[278], Hubert Christoph[279], Franz Tomaszewski[280]).

During a gassing operation, the SS man Schillinger (identified as SS-Unterscharführer[281]) was shot dead by a victim with his own pistol. According to Czech’s Kalendarium, this incident took place on 23 October 1943 and is (probably) also reported by Rudolf Höß (stabbed instead of shooting)[282], Oswald Kaduk[283], Otto Wolken[284], Aron Bejlin[285], Arie Fuks[286], Stanislaw Jankowski[287], Janda Weiß[288], Kazimierz Smolen[289], Jerzy Tabeau[290] and Filip Müller[291].

The open air incineration polluted the air over many kilometres and helped to spread the knowledge about the extermination in Auschwitz. Also SS guards were made responsible for the leaking of information about the extermination and were heavily punished for talking about these matters. This is confirmed by former Auschwitz commandant Rudolf Höß.[292]

A one year camp lock-down (Lagersperre) was imposed on the camp, allegedly because of epidemics, but actually in order to prevent the spreading of the extermination knowledge. According to the order’s of the commandant, a camp lock-down was imposed due to the typhus epidemic on 23 July 1942, partly lifted on 7 October 1942, tightened on 8 February 1943 and partly lifted again on 3 April 1943.[293] Also Wilhelm Boger suggested that the camp lock-down served to keep the secrets in Auschwitz.[294]

Knittel (properly identified as SS-Oberscharführer) was the head of Abteilung VI (confirmed by Karl Höcker[295] and Wilhelm Boger[296]).

[Empörung der Ukrainischen SS/Outrage among the Ukranian SS]

This section explains that at one night 20 SS guards of Ukrainian origin escaped from Auschwitz. In the subsequent fire fight with the German troops, two German SS men were killed as well as seven Ukrainians; six Ukrainians committed suicide and one was captured. The escape of 15 Ukrainians SS guards with eight killed deserters and one captured in early July 1943 is confirmed by correspondence between Höß and Globocnik of 6 July 1943[297], the death of two SS-men on 4 July 1943 while “fighting partisans” in the garrison order of 5 July 1943[298]. The incident is also mentioned in an Auschwitz resistance report of 10 July 1943.[299] The remaining Ukrainian guards were transferred to Buchenwald concentration camp (corroborated by Black’s article Foot soldiers of the Final Solution, p. 40).

[Todesfabrik/Death factory]

Four new crematoria were constructed in Birkenau with all available means. The two larger ones, crematoria 1 and 2, were equipped 15 ovens each in the furnace hall (see for instance test report of Kurt Prüfer of 29 January 1943[300]) and with underground gas chambers and undressing rooms (corroborated by the installation of gas-tight doors in the basement and reference to “gassing cellar” and “undressing cellar” in the construction files[301]). A two meter wide stone stairway leads down to the basement (see sketch of the stairway by Pressac[302]). Each gas chamber can take up about 4000 victims (the figure means a packing density of the victims of about 20 people per m², which is doubtful, according to Rudolf Höß each basement could take up 3000 people[303]). Each oven was loaded with four to five corpses (for corroboration of multiple cremations in the crematoria ovens, see section on shooting in the old crematorium).

The chimney of crematorium 1 was already damaged before the others came into operation (corroborated by the construction files[304]).

Photographs of the crematorium 1 (and/or 2) were shown in the vestibule of the main building of the central construction office in Auschwitz, including one showing 15 ovens in a row. The exhibition of about 30 photographs is confirmed Broad's affidavit of 20 October 1947[305] and according to Pressac also by former prisoner Lawin Ludwik[306]. Indeed there are 25 photographs of the new built crematoria known, including of the furnace room of crematorium 1 showing 14 furnaces in a row as described by Broad (the 15th is cropped from the photograph).[307]

The smaller Crematoria 3 and 4 each had three gas chambers and an undressing room above ground (the installation of gas chambers in these crematoria is corroborated by documentary evidence, namely orders and fitting of gas-tight doors and windows, as well as reference to one of the rooms as gas chamber[308]). The number of gas-tight windows 30 x 40 cm (six) ordered for each crematorium suggests that at least two chambers were supposed to be used as gassing rooms. According to Pressac, there were three gas chambers in both crematoria in the beginning and four later in crematorium 5.[309]

In spring 1944. the Hungarian Jews were exterminated in Auschwitz and in average 10,000 people were deported to Auschwitz per day (according to a record of transports to Auschwitz-Birkenau, Hungarian Jews were deported to Auschwitz on a large scale between 16 May and 11 July 1944.[310] In this period more than 9,000 Hungarian Jews arrived in average per day when not taking into account days without deportation or more than 7000 if averaged also over idle days).

The selection rate of those who were sent in to the gas chambers was especially high (which is not quite correct, as the above cited record indicates, the selection rate for work in case of the Hungarian transports was about 30%, which is twice as the rate the report gives as average for all transports to Auschwitz, see below).

Half a Million people were murdered in this few weeks (the figure is exaggerated, the actual death toll is around 300,000[311]). All crematoria were operating with full speed, but the furnaces could not stand the strain and only crematorium 3 was still working (the report is in error here as crematorium 3 was likely not operating at all according to Rudolf Höß[312]). To cope with the corpses open air pyres were used behind the crematoria (corroborated for crematorium 4 by ground photos from the back-yard of the crematorium showing open air incineration of corpses[313]).

Also, one of the Bunker complex, designated as Bunker 5, was reactivated (designation is corroborated by Rudolf Höss[314] and Dov Paisikovic[315], activity of the site at the time by Henryk Tauber[316], Miklos Nyiszli[317], Sigismund Bendel[318], Dov Paisikovic[319], Shaul Chasan[320]) and the prisoner Sonderkommandos were increased (corroborated by Birkenau labour force reports[321] and testimony of Filip Müller[322]).

Three rail tracks were leading to the new crematoria (confirmed by SS ground photographs[323]).

Moll was in charge of Bunker 5, Mussfeldt (misspelled Hussfeld and presumably correctly identified as SS-Oberscharführer) of crematoria 1 and 2, and Voss (presumably correctly identified as SS-Oberscharführer) of crematoria 3 and 4 (corroborated by Wilhelm Boger[324], Filip Müller[325] and Milton Buki[326]).

The previous commandant Höß (identified as SS-Sturmbannführer instead of proper rank SS-Obersturmbannführer) was put in charge of the operation, Kramer (correctly identified as SS-Hauptsturmführer) was commandant in Birkenau (both corroborated by Standortbefehl of 8 May 1944[327]).

The “infamous associate company” of Auschwitz, the concentration camp Lublin with its homicidal gas chambers was already liberated at the time. This is an anachronism as Lublin was liberated on 23 July 1944, more than one week after the daily transports from Hungary stopped.[328] Broad may confuse here the Hungarian operation with the liquidation of the Jews from ghetto Lodz, which took place in August 1944.

The term “gesonderte Unterbringung” (specially lodged) was employed instead of "Sonderbehandlung" (special treatment) to describe the extermination of the Jews considered not fit for labour (the use of both terms in this sense is documented in the reports of the head of the labour assignment in Auschwitz Schwarz to the SS-WVHA of early 1943[329]).

[Aufstand im Sonderkommando/Uprising in the Sonderkommando

In autumn 1944 the Sonderkommando was lacking occupation and should have been decreased in size (not mentioned by Broad is a successful liquidation of about 200 Sonderkommando prisoners in September 1944, documented by labour force reports[330], a report of the Auschwitz resistance[331] and testimonies of Filip Müller[332], Jozef Bialostocki[333], Santiu(?) Colette[334]).

The Sonderkommando obtained explosives from prisoners from the Weichsel-Union-Werke (corroborated by Karl Broch[335] and Filip Müller[336]) and - facing their liqudation - blew up crematorium 3. 80 Sonderkommandos managed to escape from crematorium 1 (corroborated by Josef Erber[337], Stefan Baretzki[338], Leon Cohen[339], Shaul Chasan[340]), but these and the Sonderkommandos of crematorium 3 were shot or gassed in an undamaged gas chamber of crematorium 3.

The Sonderkommando uprising is confirmed by Josef Erber[341], Stefan Baretzki[342], Karl Broch[343], Filip Müller[344], Leon Cohen[345], Shaul Chasan[346], Milton Buki[347], Eliezer Eisenschmidt[348], Maximilian Sternol[349], Jiri Beranovsky[350], vaguely by Willi Frank[351], but was not recalled by Broad in his interrogation of 1 May 1959[352]. The report explains that five SS men obtained the iron cross for their “heroic behavior to prevent a mass escape” according to a speech of Auschwitz commandant Baer (misspelled Beer, correctly identified as SS-Sturmbannführer). Not mentioned in the report is the fact that three SS men died because of the revolt.[353]

[Liquidierung der Zigeuner/Liquidation of the gypsies]

Beginning with early 1943, about 16,000 gypsies were sent to Auschwitz (actually about 21,000 gypsies were interned in Auschwitz since early 1943[354]). The regulations were passed on to Auschwitz in March 1943 and stated that all gypsies are to be deported “without taking care of the degree of mixed-blood”. Excluded from the deportation were supposed to be gypsies with a fixed residence, fixed employment, who live socially adapted, soldiers in front service and with merits in this war – provided there agree to get sterilized (the description matches exactly the regulations on the deportations of gypsies to Auschwitz according to the letter of 29 January 1943 from the RSHA to various authorities including the Auschwitz commandant, Broad’s quote “ohne Rücksicht auf den Mischlingsgrad” appears indeed verbatim[355]).

The exclusion of these people from the deportations to Auschwitz was, however, often not carried out (as confirmed by Rudolf Höß[356] and Wilhelm Supp[357]).

The correspondence from the Reichskriminalpolizeiamt and the Reichszentrale zur Bekämpfung des Zigeunerunwesens was signed by Otto (correctly identified as Kriminalrat, was head of a division in the Reichskriminalpolizeiamt[358]), Ritter (correctly identified as Dr.[359], was head of the Kriminalbiologisches Institut of the Reichskriminalpolizeiamt[360]) and Böhlhoff (was head of the Reichszentrale zur Bekämpfung des Zigeunerunwesens[361]).

At the order of Himmler of July 1944, the gypsies' camp was liquidated, and those fit for work were sent to the concentration camps Buchenwald, Mittelbau and Ravensbrück. The rest was gassed. Broad stated in his pre-trial interrogations that he was not in Auschwitz at the time the gypsies' camp was liquidated, but he was told so by others[362]. At the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial two witnesses testified that Broad participated in the liquidation, whereas one witness claimed that he did not.[363] In any case, the clearing of the camp is corroborated by the labour force reports for male prisoners, which do not list the gypsies' camp anymore after 2 August 1944.[364] The transfer of gypsies fit for work to other camps and/or the gassing of those not fit for work is confirmed by Rudolf Höß[365], Kurt Knuth-Siebenlist[366], Pavel Bergmann[367], Regina Steinberg[368], Peter Budan[369], Elisabeth Guttenberger[370], Filip Müller[371]. The transfer of gypsies to Buchenwald concentration camp is documented in the files of the camp administration.[372]

[“Lasst alle Hoffnung Fahren!”/”Abandon all hope!”]

In the first part of this section, the report describes the instance that a person, who was already deported to Auschwitz, was to be taken out again at the request of the RSHA/Eichmann (incorrectly identified as SS-Sturmbannführer instead of SS-Obersturmbannführer, correctly attributed to the RSHA) or the WVHA/Liebehenschel (correctly identified as SS-Obersturmbannführer and later Auschwitz commandant[373], correctly attributed to the WVHA).

When a transport arrived in Auschwitz, the head of a transport handed over a transport list with the names of the deportees to the admission section of the Political Department. The transport list was stored in the office of the admission section (confirmed by Maximilian Grabner[374]). The prisoners taken into the camp were registered with a personnel record card or just an index card and also listed on an admission list (corroborated by head of the admission department Hans Stark[375] and Erwin Bartel, prisoner clerk in the Political Department[376]).

The selection rate for work was in average 10 – 15% (at maxmimum) for the RSHA transports (the figure is too low as according to Franciszek Piper about 18% of the deported Jews were selected for work[377] or about 25% if corrected for the Hungarian Jews). The documents were destroyed and no transports- and admission lists exists anymore (in fact, at least 310 admission lists covering about 50,000 prisoners survived[378], whereas the transports list were indeed entirely destroyed[379]).

Next, the report discusses the procedure when the release of a prisoner was requested, which was successful only in a small percent of the cases (corroborated by Wilhelm Boger[380], in fact about 1500 prisoners were released from Auschwitz[381]), but occurred especially in the case of Kapos of enterprises, such as a leather factory, who supplied Grabner with goods (the release of Erich Grönke, who was Kapo of a leather factory and supplied Auschwitz commandant Höß, fits into this scheme[382]).

Egersdörfer (correctly identified as SS-Unterscharführer[383]) was responsible for the storage of the prisoners’ food and passed on food, which was meant for the prisoners, to the head of the SS kitchen Scheffler (correctly identified as SS-Oberschaführer and as chef of the SS kitchen[384]).

[“Ehre” eines SS-Mannes/”Honour” of a SS man]

In this last section, the report points out the extensive corruption in Auschwitz as large numbers of money and valuable articles were gathered from the deported and exterminated Jewish people (corroborated by Rudolf Höß[385]). The clothing and personal effects were delivered to the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle (corroborated by a report of Oswald Pohl of 6 February 1943, see appendix ZD).

To get hold of the corruption, Heinrich Himmler sent a special commission to Auschwitz. The commission was headed by Dr. Morgan (corroborated by Konrad Morgen himself[386]), operating in Auschwitz were mostly Reimers (unknown), Barth (correct name Bartsch, correctly identified his rank SS-Hauptsturmführer and his duty in Auschwitz[387]) and Dreher (actual name Drescher, correctly identified his rank SS-Hauptsturmführer and duty in Auschwitz[388], identified as Dr.[389]).

Grabner was imprisoned and 12 years of prison were filed against him (corroborated by Konrad Morgen[390] and Wilhelm Boger[391]). Höß, Aumeier, Schwarz (correctly identified as SS-Hauptsturmführer and commandant of Monowitz camp[392]) and Hofmann (correctly identified as SS-Obersturmführer[393] and Schutzhaftlagerführer[394]) committed perjury (except for Hofmann this is corroborated by Konrad Morgen[395]).

The Polish underground spread the secrets about Auschwitz with the help of escaped prisoners and messages passed on by civil workers. They even published an entire pamphlet “The Death Camp” (the pamphlet “The Death Camp” was indeed published in 1943[396]), which became known to the RSHA in Berlin. Death sentences on SS leaders of Auschwitz were broadcasted by British radio Daventry (radio Daventry broadcasted names of accused war-criminals in the General Gouvernement on 12 May 1944[397], death sentences specifically against SS men in Auschwitz were also broadcasted by British radio[398]).

Auschwitz was evacuated on 17 January 1945 and the SS intended to execute the ill prisoners, which had to be left behind, but was too afraid to carry out this measure (see Czech, Kalendarium, entries for 17 January to 26 January 1945).

Summary

The Broad report provides a large amount of factual claims which can be well corroborated by other sources. The author of the report clearly had wide and detailed knowledge on Auschwitz concentration camp, atrocities and issues which concerned the Political Department. The latter confirms the authorship can be attributed to a member of the political department.

The document is naturally not without mistakes and flaws. These mistakes are, however, quantitatively and qualitatively within what can be expected for a faithful testimony of this length. They do not justify dismissing the report as evidence.

The descriptions provided in the report are partly hearsay, which is, however, usually not made clear in the text but has to be established from other sources and from the context. The hearsay descriptions are more prone for mistakes, but are nevertheless often remarkable reliable. It appears that Broad was quite talented to gather information about what was going in the camp.

His hearsay information are in general much more reliable than those recalled for instance by former prisoners. This is explained by his superior access to sources. He could not only rely on conversations with SS men and prisoners but also official channels from the camp administration and investigations of the political department.

Part III – The tone of the report

The report is clearly critical of the situation of prisoners, especially of non-criminal prisoners, and their treatment by the SS administration in Auschwitz. This corresponds to the observation of the former prisoner Helene Mehler that Broad showed pity for the prisoners’ situation and expressed sympathy for them.[399] Edward Burakowski recalled that he was told by Broad to bring water to prisoners, who were tortured by the Kattowitz drumhead court-martial[400] and Hermann Diamanski remembered him as “more human”[401]. Mehler also noticed that he was „absolutely not the kind of SS man you could generally see in Auschwitz”[402], which was also observed by Anton van Velsen[403].

As far as Broad’s own treatment of prisoners is concerned, the testimonies are ambivalent – some describe he behaved fine (Anton van Velsen[404], Helen Mehler[405], Peter Budan[406], Raya Kagan[407], Hilli Weiß[408], Edward Burakowski, Feliks Mylyk[409], Bronislaw Stasiak[410], Jozef Mikusz[411]), while others testified about mistreatments (Wojciech Barcz[412], Jenny Schaner[413], Dounia Wasserstrom[414], Aron Bejlin[415], Regina Steinberg[416], Josef Neumann[417], Kurt Löw[418]).

According to the report, the killings carried out in Auschwitz were murder. According to the law at the time, most - if not all - killings in the camp were murder, although a large proportion of atrocities, in particular the systematic mass murder of the Jews, were ordered and authorized by the leaders of the state. Other atrocities, such as the clearing of Block 11, were carried out without proper authorization and should have been criminal even from the point of view of the National Socialist regime.

From a moral point of view, the systematic murder of the Jews was also murder, except perhaps from the perspective of an anti-Semite. There is no evidence to support that Broad was a devoted National Socialist and considering he was described as particular intelligent (Anton van Velsen[419], Dounia Wasserstrom[420], Kurt Knuth-Siebenlist[421], Raya Kagan[422]), he could have recognized a criminal nature of the killings. The illegal nature of the extermination of the Jews was pointed out by Broad at his interrogation of 22 December 1960[423].

In the sections on the clearing of Block 11 and the holdings of the drumhead court-martial, Broad shows respect for the patriotism of the Polish political prisoners executed in Auschwitz. This opinion seems to be somewhat and unexpected for a SS man. However, Broad is not described as a typical SS man according to former prisoners and it is certainly possible that he developed a critical attitude towards the German activities in Eastern Europe (facilitated by his Brazilian background and in fact Brazilian citizenship) and recognized a moral right of the Poles to feel unhappy about the German occupation.

Testimonial evidence from the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial indicates that he considered members of the Kattowitz Gestapo as murderers already during the time in Auschwitz Broad. [424]

Accordingly, it is entirely possible that the tone of the report reflects Broad’s faithful thinking and feeling, even though it may have been also partly influenced by the fact he wrote the report in British capture.

Part IV – The Broad report in Revisionist and Anti-Revisionist literature

Robert Jan Van Pelt

In his expert report for the trial Irving vs. Lipstadt[425], Van Pelt makes extensive use of Broad's report. He also cites van het Kaar's and Rothmann's examination as well as Broad's examination on the report from Langbein's transcript of the trial to back up the authenticity of the report. Van Pelt concludes that the report is “important”, but “not without its problems”, namely Broad's “literary ambition in his account, and his flowery and sentimental descriptions”.

George Wellers

In the book Kogon (ed.), Nationalsozialistische Massentötungen durch Giftgas (p. 196) Wellers rates the Broad report as “second most important” account by SS personnel (after Rudolf Höß). He notices that the report was written independent of Höß' testimony (for chronological reasons), but also states that vice versa the report was not known to Höß. However, the report was known at least to one of his early interrogators, Gerald Draper. Broad and Draper studied the report together at the end of August 1945.[426] Therefore it is possible that Höß was confronted with details from the report during his interrogations by the British. Broad's exaggerated death toll of more than 2 Million may have fuelled the British interrogators to obtain a similar figure from Höß.

Pierre Vidal-Naquet

Vidal-Naquet argues in “A paper Eichmann” (p. 18) that it seems as if Broad “adopted completely the language of the victors”. This is similar and related to Jean-Claude Pressac’s thesis and is discussed below.

Jean-Claude Pressac

In “Techniqe and Operation of the Gas Chambers” (1989) Pressac expresses an ambiguous view on the Broad report. On the one side, he regards it as “one of the most striking” accounts with an “authentic” basis, which “should not be rejected”. One the other side, he concludes that it contains “many errors”, that Broad was a “poor observer of the extermination installations” and that the report has been “rewritten by and for the Poles”. Pressac claims that the report contains the tone of "outrageous Polish nationalism” and “cannot be the faithful reflection of the thoughts of an SS man”. In his second Book “Die Krematorien von Auschwitz” (1994, in French 1993), Pressac refrains from the latter claim and argues instead that the “strange formulations were probably recommend to him by a Pole from London”.

Pressac names, however, only three mistakes, of which at least one cannot be attributed to Broad but rather to Pressac not checking the German text of the report. He complains (p. 162 and 174) that Broad described the two Bunker were separated only by a “copse”, whereas he considers “small wood” to be more accurate. However, the German “Wäldchen” used in the report does exactly describe a small wood.

The second (so actually the first) mistake Pressac identifies is that the sealing of the gas-tight doors are mentioned as being made of rubber. Former Sonderkommando Henryk Tauber testified that felt was used as a sealing and the gas-tight doors and windows found in Auschwitz after the war also show felt was employed. On the other hand, a letter Bischoff to DAW of 31 March 1943 mentions a rubber sealing to be used for the gas-tight door (or its peephole). Since no complete documentary or testimonial descriptions of all the gas-tight doors installed at the extermination site are available, it cannot be ruled out that some of the doors were equipped with rubber sealing. But even if we assume that all gas-tight doors were sealed with felt, the mistake is not a particular big one. Though felt looks different than rubber, if Broad did not look at the sealing closely, it may have escaped him and he simply assumed it was rubber. More importantly in this context is that Broad correctly identifies that the door was tighten with screw plugs.

The third (actually second) mistake is Broad's description that all crematoria were operating during Hungarian operation, but that after some time only crematorium 3 was remaining working. According to Pressac (p. 379), Broad was in fact referring to an episode in summer 1943, when only crematorium 2 was staying in operation. In the year 1995, Pressac argued differently that Broad was indeed referring to crematorium 3 but to the period end of May 1943.[427] A third explanation, that shall be introduced here, is that in summer 1944 there was indeed a break-down of all crematoria except one, which was only mistakenly identified by Broad as crematorium 3. In any case, it is clear that Broad was mistaken with respect to crematorium 3 being in operation all in 1944.

Pressac's initial thesis that the report was reworked by the Poles cannot be sustained. The report was submitted and studied at the Auschwitz trial before obtained and published by the Poles. Pressac himself refrained from this thesis in 1993, but maintained that the “strange formulations” were written by Broad not without an external stimulus. Pressac provides no further evidence for this and as was pointed out in Part III it is possible that the tone of the report reflects Broad’s faithful opinion. In fact, there is evidence that Broad was talking about certain atrocities in Auschwitz in this tone already in the camp (testimony of Edward Burakowski[428]).

Robert Faurisson

For Faurisson (1986)[429] the Broad report is an “obvious...English” forgery, but apart from the tone (language of the victors) he does not cite any evidence. In a later article (1994)[430], Faurisson cites Pressac's thesis that the report has been reworked by the Poles. He fails, however, to note that Pressac refrained from this thesis precisely in the work that Faurisson was discussing here. He also accuses Pressac of having “manipulated” the testimony of Broad and explains in the respective footnote that he has “removed all the points which prove that there was false testimony” like the six holes in the roof of crematorium for introducing the gas. In the German edition of “Die Krematorien von Auschwitz” (p. 22) the ellipsis applied by Pressac does not hide anything of relevance in general or the number of holes in particular. The accusation of manipulation has – at least when checked against the German edition of Pressac’s book - no basis.

Germar Rudolf

Rudolf is offering a brief critique of the Broad report in his Rudolf Report.[431] He relies on Pressac’s false tone argument and concludes that the report has been “obviously patched together by the Poles”. As was shown in this article, there is no basis for this claim.

Jürgen Graf

In “Auschwitz - Tätergeständnisse und Augenzeugen des Holocaust” (p. 168 ff.) Graf claims that Broad wanted to get a mild treatment from the Allies by writing the report.[432] But his comparably low SS rank and Brazilian citizenship made him of little interest for Allied investigators. Moreover, if he feared allied prosecution, it would have been more reasonable to not disclose any involvement in Auschwitz concentration camp, instead of what he actually did, actively approaching Allied officers, who knew in fact little or nothing about the camp and revealing a large number of atrocities in Auschwitz, some described from very close distance. The report is also not written in a style and tone that makes him particular good as evidence in war-crime trials and useful for allied investigators.

Graf lists a number of descriptions that are according to him “unlikely” or “impossible”. Among these are the mass shootings of prisoners in the crematorium. These shootings are independently corroborated by Hans Stark (see the respective section in part II), so that their description rather strengthens the report’s reliability. According to Graf, the report's claim that the crematorium in the main camp did produce smell of the burned corpses is wrong. This is contradicted by his fellow researcher Carlo Mattogno who argues in Auschwitz: Case for Sanity (p. 310) that the crematoria did in fact emit smoke (and thus a certain smell).

Another point Graf attacks is the loading of four to six corpses per oven (muffle). Multiple cremations are well documented and even if Broad’s absolute numbers are a bit too high, it is only a minor mistake, which hardly damages his credibility “irreparably” as Graf asserts. Flames emitted by the crematorium chimney are also not possible according to Graf. But Mattogno contradicts him (again) that “under appropriate conditions the soot will ignite and flames will indeed emanate from the chimney”.[433]

Graf is right that the mass shootings of thousands of Russian POWs in the Birkenau wood mentioned in the report are not corroborated by other (known) sources. This has to be considered exaggerated. He is also correct that the number of people (4000), which fit into the gas chambers of crematoria 1 and 2 according to the report, is too high. The actual value is probably in the range of 3000 people, but this is only a minor mistake. Graf is, however, entirely wrong that corpses of people killed with cyanide cannot have a blue discoloration as mentioned in the report (in the context of the gassing of Russian POWs in Block 11 hearsay).[434]

The closing of the roads during a gassing operation in the crematorium in Auschwitz main camp is “absurd” and “amateurish” (Graf). This specific detail is corroborated by multiple testimonies and furthermore it is entirely reasonable that the camp administration tried to keep as many bystanders as possible away from the scene. It is beyond Graf’s understanding that the Polish civil workers were employed to construct the crematoria even though there was an extermination site operating nearby. Obviously the SS construction office could not build the crematoria on their own and had to employ civil workers, so here we simply have a practical constraint. At some point the SS had to make a compromise between secrecy and finishing necessary construction projects.

The report states that after 2 minutes exposure to Zyklon-B most victims were unconscious and after 4 minutes they were dead, which is “unrealistic” according to Graf. He does not explain what is supposed to be realistic though. According to Höß, the time between introducing the Zyklon-B into the gas chamber and the death of the victims was between “few minutes” to “not later than 20 minutes”. As demonstrated in an expert report by Richard Green[435], large amounts of Zyklon-B can result in deadly concentrations of cyanide within minutes in the gas chambers. Even if Broad’s figure was too low by a few minutes, it would be - again - only a minor mistake.

For Graf it poses a problem that according to the report the SS men in Auschwitz knew about the extermination of Jews in Majdanek, but that it does not mention Treblinka, Belzec, Sobibor and Chelmno. In contrary, since both Majdanek and Auschwitz were concentration camps under the WVHA and since there was exchange of prisoners and SS men between the camps, it is far more likely that the SS personnel in Auschwitz knew about the extermination activity in Lublin than in the pure extermination camps.

Graf considers the description of the burning pits in the report as “utter nonsense”, but does not inform the reader where he has shown this. In his treatment of Mordowicz-Rosin he mentions something about “lack of oxygen” and “high groundwater table” but does not sustain any of these. Because of Graf’s failure to back up his assertion, it is enough to say that the use of burning pits in Auschwitz is corroborated by numerous testimonies.

The report mentions that upon evacuation of the camp the SS offices were set on fire to destroy the documents of the camp administrations. Graf thinks the description is contradicted by thousands of existing documents held in Moscow special archive and the Auschwitz State Museum, but these do not show that there was no attempt of systematic destruction, but only indicates it was not of full success.

Broad described in the report there was an exhauster to remove the gas from the homicidal gas chamber in the crematorium in the main camp. Graf objects that there is no documentary evidence to prove the ventilation. There is in fact a ventilation tube visible in an inventory plan of 20 April 1942[436] (the installation of the fan is reported by Michal Kula[437]).

In conclusion, Graf points out a few minor (real) mistakes or inaccuracies in the report, but commits a much larger number of blunders himself. If we follow his own logic, Graf’s credibility is “irreparably” destroyed and we can safely dismiss his work.

Carlo Mattogno

Mattogno’s latest take on the testimonies of Pery Broad can be found in the book Auschwitz: The Case for Sanity (p. 624 ff.). He claims that the “original version” of the report is not known and implies that an altered version was submitted at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial. As evidence for his thesis he cites Pressac’s complain about alleged “too flagrant Polish patriotism” in the report. Broad’s rather positive description of the executed Polish political prisoners compared to the German executors is no evidence for a falsification of the report but compatible with Broad’s profile (see part III).

His second argument is Broad’s assertion made at the Auschwitz trial (quoted from Langbein’s transcript) that he does not recognize “the document in its entirety” as his own notes. Broad was accused of participating in atrocities in Auschwitz and so he must have been felt uncomfortable when the report surfaced at the proceedings, which describes in detail and of close proximity a large number of atrocities and furthermore incriminated other SS men. Suppose that he wrote the report presented at the Auschwitz trial, he had considerable motivation to cast doubt about its authenticity. Moreover, since almost 20 years passed between the writing of the report and its read-out at the Auschwitz trial, it is possible that Broad could not identify the full report as his own writing due to memory fading. So these are two possibilities which Mattogno ignores and instead sticks to his third possibility of altering of the report.

Also ignored by Mattogno is evidence from the examination of Winter and van het Kaar. They testified that the report submitted at the trial was not altered and fully written by Broad, which is also corroborated by the testimony of Rothmann. He also did not take into account that Broad himself did not exclude in the end that the report was entirely written by him, that Broad did not specifically point out any manipulated description and was only not sure about the number of exterminated Jews (which he may have taken it from the press and therefore accepted that even this detail may have been written by him).

Mattogno criticizes the figures of 4 – 6 corpses per muffle in the crematorium in the main camp (in the report) and 5 – 7 corpses per muffle in crematoria 1 and 2 in Birkenau (in Broad’s affidavit NI-11984) as “technical nonsense”. In the German version of the affidavit it actually reads “5 corpses in one oven”. The figures are exaggerated for adult corpses but the lower numbers are not unlikely when taking into account children. Multiple cremations are well documented for the Auschwitz crematoria (see the respective section in part II) and confirm the essence of Broad’s statement.

Mattogno dismisses Broad’s description of several meter high flames emitted from the chimney of the crematorium in the main camp. However, in one of his own works he acknowledges that in principle “under appropriate conditions…flames will indeed emanate from the chimney”.[438] As far as the height is concerned such detail could be easily estimated too high. Mattogno’s claim that Broad wrote that the flames occurred “regularly” is false. Broad did not indicate how frequent the phenomenon actually was.

Referring to Broad’s examination at the Tesch trial of 2 March 1946, Mattogno argues that Broad’s cremation capacity of 3000 – 4000 for crematoria 1 and 2 is “absurd”. In fact, Broad did not give a cremation capacity but a figure of the gas chamber loading (though ideally both should be close related to each other). The lower figure of 3000 goes with a packing density of about 15 people/m² and could very well be a maximum loading figure assuming a large number of children. Rudolf Höß testified that 3000 was the maximum capacity of the gas chambers.

Mattogno mocks that Broad “awkwardly invents an additional, fictitious crematorium with a 'gas stove'“. However, it seems to have escaped him that Broad was most likely referring to the Bunker 5 facility (already described and designated as such in his report) with “crematorium 5” and the “gas stove” is presumably a mistake in the transcript or mistranslation and meant to be “gas chamber”. As a side note, the transcript of the interrogation also says the Truppenrevier was located “40 to 45 kilometres from the crematorium”, whereas beyond any doubt meters and not kilometers were meant. Mattogno also declares Broad’s description of the incinerations sites “foolish”, however, without explaining why.

Next he struggles with Broad’s claim at the Tesch trial that “every three hours new arrivals were sent to these gas chambers” (apparently during Hungarian operation, misdated March, April 1944), which according to Mattogno’s calculation would result in eight gassings per day and 16,000-24,000 corpses per (!) crematorium. It is likely that Broad is referring to the extermination sites with open air incineration, which were less limited by cremation oven capacity as the crematoria 1 and 2 and could operate with shorter cycles (also by accumulating corpses). Such is already indicated in his report.[439] Broad is possibly referring to a day during Hungarian operation when for instance some of crematoria were down and the people had to be killed in the remaining extermination sites with open air incinerations in relatively high cycles of few hours for some time, and failed to make this clear at the trial.

Finally, Mattogno thinks he has found what Broad “really did see” and “what was the actual source of his assertions” by quoting his statement at the Tesch trial that he never saw the inside of a homicidal gas chambers. How reliable is this claim? His description of the gassing in the crematorium in the main camp suggests he was at the site and could take a look into the gas chamber. Assuming he did see the gas chamber from the inside, he had a considerable motivation for denial when examined on it at a trial to avoid the issue why he saw the inside of the homicidal gas chamber.

In his book “Auschwitz: Crematorium 1” Mattogno was slightly more attentive on the report than in “Auschwitz: The Case for Sanity” (even though it was published five years earlier as if he had developed backwards) since he cites at least the testimonies of Rothmann and van het Kaar from Langbein’s transcript of the Auschwitz trial sessions as well as from the same source Broad’s testimony that he “accepted those parts of the report which speak of the gassings as authentic”. Since Mattogno does not believe there were homicidal gas chambers in Auschwitz, he assumes Broad statement cannot be faithful, but was “obviously” made to “mollify” the court as “his situation in the trial increasingly worsened, to the point that during the hearing of November 6 1964…he was arrested immediately”.

First of all, Mattogno does not provide any evidence that Broad’s situation “increasingly worsened” by 20 April 1964 when the report was read-out in court. He notes that Broad was arrested on 6 November 1964, but this was more than a half a year after his testimony on the report and adds - frankly speaking - nothing to the issue. Secondly, if Broad tried to mollify the court it is not understandable that he did raise doubts about the full authenticity of the report in the first place. The fact that he did have initial doubts but could not sustain those at his examination does not fit well to this scenario. Thirdly, his description of the gassing in the crematorium in the main camp and a part of his description on the gassing in Birkenau is quoted by himself in his affidavit of 14 December 1945 and therefore indeed appeared in the report. Mattogno claims that it is “certain” that the report presented at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial had been “manipulated”, but does not prove the claim. His standards of evidence to accept a document manipulation that serves his purpose seem to be disturbingly low.

In the book “Auschwitz: Crematorium 1” Mattogno also looks into some more of the actual content of the Broad report and his testimonies. He asserts that Broad’s description of a gassing in the crematorium in the main camp in his report is “very contradictory” compared to the description in his affidavit of 20 October 1947. He notes that in the report Broad dates the gassing immediately after the SS commando, which had to close down the roads, was set up, whereas in the affidavit it is several weeks. There are 200 victims in the report, but 300-400 in the affidavit. In the report there are descriptions of the unloading at the ramp, of the speech by Grabner in the crematorium yard and of what happened in the gas chamber, but he was located at some distance to far away in the SS sickbay in the affidavit.

These contradictions certainly need to be explained. It is evident that the description in the report was made by an observer close to scene: first at the ramp, then at the crematorium. The description contains many details and is highly corroborated by other accounts, and so cannot be simply dismissed as hearsay. It suggests that Broad saw – at least once – the extermination process at the old crematorium in the main camp from the ramp to the gas chamber. In his later interrogations he always claimed to have witnessed only as single gassing in the old crematorium from some distance from the SS sickbay. It is entirely possible that he did see such a gassing from the sickbay, but his report suggests there was at least another one where he was more closely involved. He did not testify about this in any interrogation, but it is understandable and not unlikely that he denied his involvement towards himself and the investigators.

Mattogno complains about Broad’s testimony at the Tesch trial that there were “six holes of the diameter of ten centimeters” for introducing the gas into the chamber. This number of openings (which is also given in the report) is possibly too high and the diameter seems rather low and underestimated. Further, he points out that in the report he suggests that gassings were carried out in the crematorium every day, whereas in his interrogation at the Tesch trial it was once or twice per month. The description of daily gassings in the crematorium seems to be exaggerated and the statement at the Tesch trial seems to be closer to the truth. The death toll of 2.5 to 3 Million given at the Tesch trial is exaggerated, but not a particular serious error considering his duty in the camp.

Another argument of Mattogno addresses whether the gassing(s) could have occurred in the crematorium at the time. He argues that Broad's description in the report cannot be dated prior 25 May 1942 as the entrance gate mentioned by him was not yet built. While this evidence indeed suggests that the description is based on a gassing after 25 May 1942, it is not entirely compelling and there is of course the possibility that Broad was mistaken with respect to the detail of the entrance gate and that the gassing took place prior this date. Mattogno points out that there was construction work carried out at the crematorium between 12 June and 8 August 1942. The time frame for the gassing is therefore 25 May to 12 June 1942. He then concludes that the gassing described by Broad "never took place" because there is only a gassing mentioned for the Bunker site in Birkenau on 2 June 1942 in Czech's Kalendarium.

There are two flaws in the argument. First of all, it assumes that the Kalendarium is complete on the transports that came to Auschwitz, which is however not necessarily the case for transports which were entirely liquidated in Auschwitz. Secondly, it assumes that there is strong evidence that the transport of 2 June 1942 was indeed liquidated in Birkenau and not in the main camp. I cannot review the evidence Czech cites, but it is unlikely that she relied on direct evidence that the transport was liquidated in Birkenau, but rather indirect evidence as the timeline of the Bunker, which is far away from being certain however. It is certainly possible that the transport (if there was one) was gassed in the crematorium in the main camp and that the gassing described by Broad could have taken place.

In his book “The Bunkers of Auschwitz” Mattogno has something more to add to the issue. He claims that in his first declarations of 14 December 1945 (mistakenly dated by Mattogno as of 14 September 1945) and 2 March 1946 broad “never mentions the Birkenau ‘Bunkers’”. As already pointed out, his description of “crematorium 5” in his interrogation of 2 March 1946 is in fact most likely a reference to Bunker 5. Mattogno argues that “Broad stated that he had been an “eye witness” only to a homicidal gassing in the old crematorium”. However, in his interrogation of 8 February 1961, Broad admitted to have seen the Bunker extermination site twice, thereof once in operation.[440]

Finally, he attacks Broad’s description of how the inhabitants of the village Wohlau witnessed the extermination at the Bunker complex, as Wohlau was at three kilometers distance of Bunker 2, which could not have been observed from there. However, as explained in Broad’s affidavit of 20 October 1947 they were not observing the extermination site from their village but from the river bank of the Weichsel at a distance of only about 1000 m. Mattogno knew the affidavit, as he cited from it in his treatment of Broad, still he failed to take it into account here.

In the article “’Leugnung der Geschichte’? - Leugnung der Beweise! Teil 1” we find a particular curious claim about Broad. [441] Mattogno asserts that Broad was a witness (and not a defendant) at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial and would have been „likely” put on the dock if he did not admit that the gassing descriptions were his. He even cites articles by Germar Rudolf to back up the claim. However, Broad was in fact defendant and not witness at the first Frankfurt Auschwitz trial, which already follows from one of Rudolf’s articles, which Mattogno cites as evidence for his false thesis. [442]

Footnotes:

[1] Published by the Auschwitz State Museum in Auschwitz in den Augen der SS in German and in KL Auschwitz Seen by the SS in English.


[2] Affidavit of Broad of 14.12.1945 (NI-11397) see appendix A.


[3] Motion of Großmann of 17.2.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Vorsorglich beantragt der Herr Oberstaatsanwalt für den Fall, daß Bedenken bestehen sollten, daß der Bericht des Angeklagten Broad verlesen werden sollte, die Vernehmung des Zeugen Rothmann in England. Rothmann war zeitweise der Leiter der 43. Intelligence Section und hat das anliegende Exemplar des Broadschen Berichts zur Verfügung gestellt. Er kann auch nähere Angaben über die Entstehung des Berichts machen.”


[4] Examination of Rothmann of 20.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see Appendix D.


[5] Examination of Broad of 20.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich habe 1945 einen Bericht über Auschwitz geschrieben. Es waren persönliche Erlebnisse und Ergänzungen aus meiner Phantasie. 1946 hatte ich ein Gespräch mit einem Dolmetscher. Dieser sagte, er hätte einen Bericht mit Übersetzungen anzufertigen. Soweit ich von dem Inhalt dieses Berichts erfuhr, merkte ich, daß mir einige Teile bekannt waren. Daraus schloß ich, daß man Ergänzungen vorgenommen hatte. Es gab viele Teile, von denen ich nie gehört hatte und die ich für falsch hielt. Ich wunderte mich, daß er von mir stammen sollte.”


[6] Examination of van het Kaar of 1.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix E.


[7] Examination of Winter of 1.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix E.


[8] Notes of associate judge of 1.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Beide Zeugen (van het Kaar und Winter) machten einen ausgezeichneten, glaubwürdigen Eindruck. Beide berichteten knapp und präzise und gaben klare und präzise Antworten auf die gestellten Fragen.”


[9] Radio broadcast Aktenzeichen: 4 Ks 2/63 of Ronald Steckel of 15.7.2006, http://www.dradio.de/dkultur/sendungen/langenacht/520380: „Nach der Urteilsverkündung im August 1965 wurden die Tonbänder auf Einsprache des ehemaligen Auschwitz-Häftlings Hermann Langbein, der wesentlich zum Zustandekommen des Prozesses beigetragen hatte, nicht gelöscht, sondern im Hessischen Hauptstaatsarchiv gelagert, wo sie 30 Jahre später entdeckt und durch das Fritz-Bauer-Institut in Frankfurt zugänglich gemacht wurden.”


[10] Examination of Broad of 20.4.1964, from Langbein, Der Auschwitz-Prozess, p. 539 ff., see appendix F.


[11] Examination of van het Kaar of 1.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „In dem Bericht wird die Zahl der vergasten, der umgekommenen Juden in Auschwitz mit zwei bis drei Millionen bezeichnet. Ich habe Broad auch gefragt, woher er diese Zahl hat. Er hat dann behauptet: “’Tja, möglicherweise aus der Zeitung.’”


[12] For instance, a report by the Polish underground lists for 21 August 1944 15.974 prisoners in Auschwitz main camp, 38.954 prisoners in the women camp, 19.424 prisoners in Birkenau as well 30.000 unregistered prisoners in Birkenau (Mattogno, Die Deportation ungarischer Juden von Mai bis Juli 1944, Vierteljahreshefte für freie Geschichtsforschung 5(4) (2001), p 381-395) http://www.vho.org/VffG/2001/4/Mattogno381-395.html


[13] Sterbebücher von Auschwitz, Volume 1, p. 247 and 250.


[14] Examination of Walter of 13.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Es ist zum Beispiel die erste Zeit vorgekommen, da musste bei Flucht, wenn einer ‚bei der Flucht’ erschossen worden ist oder ein Selbstmord war, da musste ein Bild mit beigefügt werden. Und wenn da irgendeiner irgendwo Selbstmord gemacht hat, dann musste ich hin, musste ihn aufnehmen, habe mein Bild gemacht und habe es abgeliefert.”


[15] According to Piper (Die Zahl der Opfer von Auschwitz, p. 202) about 1 Million Jews died in Auschwitz. The figure is likely too high as it overestimates at least the losses of the Hungarian Jews, see Gerlach and Aly, Das letzte Kapitel, p. 294.


[16] Affidavit of Broad of 14.12.1945 (NI-11397): “I applied to become an Interpreter and was directed to join the SS Totenkopfverbande and on the 8th April 1942, having completed my Waffen SS training with a Mountain Division I was ordered to report for duty at Auschwitz, at that time having no idea of my duties at that place or that it was a Concentration Camp. 5. For a short period I did guard duties at the KZ Auschwitz outside the perimeter and on the 18th June 1942 I was ordered to report tot he Chief of the Political Section in the Kommandantur at Auschwitz, where I worked under Untersturmfuhrer Grabner, Chief of the Political Ableitung [sic] in the KZ Auschwitz.”


[17] Interrogation of Broad of 30.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich wurde dem Uscha. Draser zugeteilt, der zu dieser Zeit das Referat Zivile Rechtsangelegenheiten bearbeitete.”


[18] See appendix G.


[19] Interrogation of Broad of 7.2.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Zu dieser Zeit, also ab Herbst 1943, war ich zur Politischen Abteilung in Birkenau versetzt worden. Die Politische Abteilung war in der Blockführerstube vor dem Zigeunerlager untergebracht.”


[20] Examination of van het Kaar of 1.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Wie ich mich erinnere, gab es überhaupt in dieser Zeit keine Zeitungen im Lager in Gorleben. Es besteht ja die Möglichkeit, daß er in einer englischen Zeitung, die in dem Hause war, wo er mit Sergeant Winter gewohnt hatte, die Zahlen gesehen hat. Aber das war später. Als er diese Geschichte geschrieben hat, hat er keine Möglichkeit gehabt, darüber nachzudenken, und wir haben ihn oftmals später auch gebeten, uns zu erklären, wie er ungefähr an die Zahlen gekommen ist.”


Examination of Winter of 1.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „…es gab keine Zeitung, und im übrigen war dieses Lager Gorleben so weit von jedem Kontakt entfernt. Zeitungen gab es nicht, und was an englischen Armeezeitungen erschien, das haben wir dort auch nicht bekommen...Er kann es dann also nur aus einer deutschen Zeitung gesehen haben, oder…Er kann etwas am Radio abgehört haben…Aber wo, das wüßte ich nicht. Denn in dem Lager gab es kein Radio.”


[21] See Standortbefehl Nr. 54/43 of 1.12.943, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 370 – 374.


[22] See Standortsonderbefehl of 18.8.1943, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 326 – 327.


[23] Interrogation of Bischoff of 21.7.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “SS-Unterscharführer Stiwitz war Rapportführer oder Arbeitseinsatzführer in Auschwitz I.”


Interrogation of Boger of 9.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “Unterscharführer Stiwitz war Rapportführer in Birkenau oder in einem Außenlager.”


[24] Interrogation of Broad of 1 May 1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix H.


[25] Interrogation of Dylewski of 30.11.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix H.


[26] Interrogation of Hofmann of 27.4.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix H.


[27] Interrogation of Schlage of 22.3.1962 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix H.


[28] Examination of Bartsch of 13.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix H.


[29] Examination of Broch of 2.11.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Das ging folgendermaßen vor sich: Wenn die vernehmenden Leute Leute im Bunker sitzen hatten, dann wurden die eines Tages bestellt, mit ihren Unterlagen um eine bestimmte Stunde dort zu sein. Zugegen waren an Offizieren Hauptsturmführer Aumeier, jetzt sage ich Schwarz, ich kenne seinen Dienstgrad nicht mehr, ich weiß nicht, ob er Unter- oder Obersturmführer war, das weiß ich nicht mehr, und unser Chef, der Untersturmführer Grabner…Es wurden Leute herausgeholt... Ja, dann ging es eine Etage tiefer in den Keller.[...] Dann wurden die Leute, die dort eingeliefert worden waren, herausgeholt, einzeln. Und jeder, der die betreffenden Vernehmungen gemacht hatte, mußte jetzt sagen, wie der Gang der Dinge gewesen ist. Und dann war es Hauptsturmführer Aumeier, der machte – und das weiß ich ganz sicher – immer ein, zwei oder drei Kreuze. Der hatte auch einen Schein bei sich. [Sie wußten auch nicht, daß die Leute erschossen werden sollten?] Nein. [Haben das auch nie gehört, daß sie erschossen worden sind?] Doch. Doch…Herr Richter, ich habe diese Dinge vollkommen und ausführlich Anfang 1944 dem Herrn Morgen vom Reichskriminalpolizeiamt im einzelnen aufgedeckt. Und zu dieser Zeit wußte ich über alle diese Dinge genauestens Bescheid. Und ich habe dem Herrn Morgen nichts verschwiegen. [Sie haben bei dem Untersuchungsrichter gesagt: »Bei dem zweiten Gang dorthin«, nämlich in den Bunker, »war mir bereits klar, daß die Herausnahme aus dem Bunker, die zur Tötung der Häftlinge führt, widerrechtlich war.«7 Sie wußten also, a) daß die Leute aus dem Bunker herausgeführt wurden, um getötet zu werden, und b) daß diese Tötung widerrechtlich war. Stimmt das?] Ja, das wußte ich.”


[30]Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 154: „Sie gingen alle genau so wie die Geiseln aufrecht und gefaßt in den Tod, überzeugt, sich für ihr Vaterland geopfert zu haben. Oft sah ich in ihren Augen einen Fanatismus, der mich an die Bibelforscher und deren Sterben erinnerte. Die Kriminellen aber, die vom Standgericht abgeurteilt wurden, die Raubüberfälle, Bandendiebstähle usw. verbrochen hatten, starben nicht so. Entweder stumpf, abgebrüht auch dem Letzten gegenüber, oder stöhnend, jammernd um Gnade winselnd. Auch hier dasselbe Bild, dieselbe Erscheinung wie bei den Exekutionen in Sachsenhausen: die für eine Idee Sterben den tapfer und aufrecht, stark – die Asozialen dumpf oder sich dagegen wehrend.”


[31] Frei (ed.), Ausbeutung, Vernichtung, Öffentlichkeit, p. 271.


[32] Interrogation Broad of 1.5.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix W.


[33] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 153 – 154, see appendix G.


[34] Examination of Langbein of 6.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix G.


[35] Examination of Burakowski of 26.4.1965 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix G.


[36] Examination of Thümmler of 2.11.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix G.


[37] Interrogation of Boger of 8.10.1958 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Der Vorgang geschah so, daß der Häftling in der Kniebeuge beide Arme durch die Beine durchzustecken hatte, dann wurde er mit der Handschließe hinten gefesselt und durch die gefesselten Arme und Beine ein Stock durchgesteckt. Nun wurde er im Kniehang an einem reckähnlichen Gerät aufgehängt. Infolge dieser Lage kam das Gesäß ohne weiteres nach oben und man konnte die Schläge austeilen. Diese Art von ‚verschärfter Vernehmung’ wurde von mir ebenfalls praktiziert. Es stimmt, daß dieses Aufhängegerät von den Häftlingen und auch von der Wachmannschaft als ‚Schaukel’ bezeichnet wurde.”


[38] Interrogation of Dylewski of 24.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Es ist jedoch richtig, daß eine Schaukel in einem besonderen Raum war, auf die Häftlinge kamen, wenn schärfere Vernehmungsmethoden durchgeführt wurden.”


[39] Examination of Broad of 13.1.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Die Boger-Schaukel habe ich gesehen, ich hörte einmal Schreie aus dem Dienstzimmer Lachmann. Als ich hinging, sah ich zwei Zivilisten, die einen Häftling auf der Stange hängen hatten, den sie schlugen. Später wurden Gerüste gebaut und in besonderen Baracken untergebracht. In die Baracke bin ich so gut wie nie gegangen.”


[40] Examination of Morgen of 9.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich weiß nur, daß Boger der Politischen Abteilung zugeteilt war. Er kann vielleicht zusammen mit dem Unterscharführer Klehr als die rechte Hand des Untersturmführers Grabner bezeichnet werden, und er war es vor allen Dingen, der diese – in Anführungsstrichen – Verschärften Vernehmungen da auf dieser »Schaukel« durchführte. Und daß diese Vernehmungen in Anführungsstrichen nur eine Farce waren, ergab sich auch daraus nach meinen Feststellungen, daß bei diesen Vernehmungen noch nicht einmal ein Protokoll geführt worden ist.”


[41] Examination of Dylewski of 10.1.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Die Schaukel war schon da, bevor Boger kam. Ich habe selbst gesehen, wie verschärfte Vernehmungen von Männern des Sicherheitsdienstes oder Gestapo von Kattowitz durchgeführt wurden.”


[42] Interrogation of Boger of 8.10.1958 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich habe lediglich gehört, daß Vernehmungsbeamte der Staatspolizei aus Kattowitz oder dem sonstigen Generalgouvernement, die ab und zu zu Vernehmungen ins Lager kamen, ebenfalls verschärft vernommen haben und daß es dabei zu gewissen anderen Torturen gekommen sein soll, so zum Beispiel Nadelstiche unter die Nägel.”


[43] Mattogno, Auschwitz: The Case of Sanity, Volume 1, p. 59.


[44] For instance, Standortbefehl Nr. 19/42 of 23.7.1942, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 155: "Auf Grund der im Bereich des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz wieder aufgetretenen Fleckfieberfälle wird zur Bekämpfung der Seuche Folgendes [sic] angeordnet..."


[45] See Pressac, Die Krematorien von Auschwitz, document 8.


[46] Interrogation of Höß of 1.4.1946, from http://www.holocaust-history.org/works/thsdiev/12/htm/p114.htm: “The double furnace could take in three corpses at one time.”


[47] Interrogation of Mussfeld of 19.8.1947, from Mattogno, Auschwitz: Case of Sanity, p. 318: „In these crematoria 3 adult corpses were loaded into each retort. Children’s corpses were entered in addition. The cremation of such a load took about one half hour.”


[48] Deposition of Jankowski of 13.4.1945, from Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 37: „In einer dieser Öffnungen konnten 12 Leichen Platz finden, jedoch legte man nicht mehr als 5 hinein, da diese Zahl schneller verbrannte.”


[49] Deposition of Tauber of 27.2.1945, from Mattogno, Auschwitz: Case of Sanity, p. 312: “Four to five corpses were placed into each muffle.”


[50] Account of Paisikovic of 10.8.1964, from Mattogno, Auschwitz: Case of Sanity, p. 314: “Inside the crematorium on the ground floor, the corpses taken off the freight elevator were put in twos or threes into each cremation opening.”



[51] Deposition of Dragon of 26.2.1945, from Mattogno, Auschwitz: Case of Sanity, p. 311: “We placed 3 corpses into each oven.”


[52] Deposition of Mandelbaum of 27.2.1945, from Mattogno, Auschwitz: Case of Sanity, p. 311: “When the persons [corpses] were not so heavy, one put 3, 4, and even 5 into one oven [muffle], and there were 10 ovens.”


[53] Deposition of Rosenblum of 23.11.1970, from Mattogno, Auschwitz: Case of Sanity, p. 314: „Every 10 minutes, we loaded 4 corpses.”


[54] Greif, Wir weinten tränenlos, p. 353: “[Wie viele Leichen gingen in jeden Ofen?] Zwischen drei und fünf Leichen.”


[55] Letter of Sander to Topf of 14.9.1942, from http://www.topfundsoehne.de/cms-www/index.php?id=120&l=1: „Man hilft sich mit einer Vielzahl von Öfen bzw. Muffeln und mit einem Vollstopfen der einzelnen Muffeln mit mehreren Leichen, ohne dabei aber die Grundursache, nämlich die Mängel des Muffelsystems, zu beheben.”


[56] Interrogation of Broad of 8.2.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Im übrigen waren die pechschwarzen Rauchwolken kilometerweit zu sehen und zu riechen. Der Gestank war einfach unerträglich. Auch die Flammen, die aus den Schornsteinen der Krematorien schlugen, waren weithin zu sehen.”


[57] Interview of Erber of 1979, from Auschwitz - “Direkt von der Rampe weg...”, p. 4 : „Da ist es, als wenn zum Beispiel bei den Porzellanfabriken, wie sie früher das Porzellan gebrannt haben, da war ja auch von dem Gas ein bis zwei Meter hohe Flammen oberhalb vom Schornstein, und so war es dort. Dann hat man den Geruch durch das Verbrennen von Menschen, hat man ja beim Bahnhof gerochen.”


[58] Statement of Kaduk, quoted by Kügler on 13.5.1965 at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Fünf Meter hoch, hat der Angeklagte Kaduk gesagt, schlugen die Flammen aus den Schornsteinen, und die Gegend war eingehüllt in den widerlichen Geruch, den die Leichenverbrennung nach sich zog.”


[59] Examination of Eisenhändler of 24.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Jedenfalls habe ich aus den Krematorien hoch die Feuerflamme schlagen sehen. Immer wenn Transporte waren, konnte man nachts eine...Feuersäule. Wie wenn man ins Ruhrgebiet kommt und die Schlote sieht, so rauchte hier der Schlot der Krematorien.”


[60] Interrogation of Stark of 23.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich mußte also bei Ankunft solcher Neuzugänge diese nach einer telefonischen Anweisung von Grabner zu dem in der Nähe befindlichen Kleinen Krematorium führen, wo sie in einem besonderen Raum durch Rapportführer Palitzsch erschossen wurden.”


[61] Deposition of Müller of 1947, quoted from Carlo Mattogno, Auschwitz: Crematorium I, p. 35: “Grabner and Aumeier also took part in the selection of the sick and the weak in the hospitals and sent them to be shot. Untersturmführer Grabner participated in all the selections for the crematorium until 1943. All the selections which took place in the crematorium were done in the presence of Grabner until 1943, and also with Aumeier present. Normally, the shooting was done by Hauptscharführer Palit[z]sch and Unterscharführer Stark, who always received detailed instructions from them during the executions.”


[62] Deposition of Jankowski of 16.4.1945, from Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 38 and 39: „Außerdem fand zwei- bis dreimal wöchentlich in diesem Leichensaal eine Erschießung statt, d.h. man brachte eine größere oder kleinere Gruppe, höchstens 250 Personen (verschiedenen Geschlechts und Alters) hierher, die nach vorigem Entkleiden erschossen wurden. Diese Personen stammten von außerhalb des Lagers, das heißt, es waren keine Auschwitzer Häftlinge. Sie waren von der Gestapo in verschiedenen Orten verhaftet und zum Erschießen ins Krematorium Auschwitz gebracht worden, ohne sie in die Lagerevidenz einzutragen. Nur in wenigen Fällen umfasste eine Erschießung ausschließlich Auschwitzer Häftlinge…Außer Quackernack assistierten bei dieser Art der Erschießungen der Auschwitzer Lagerführer Schwarz und der Kommandant des ganzen Lagers mit seinem SS-Gefolge.”


[63] Interrogation of Morgen of 8.3.1962 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich meine, ich hätte Palitzsch damals selbst in Untersuchungshaft genommen. Ich glaube, daß auch Boger bei diesen Aktionen beteiligt war. Die Tötungen erfolgten mit einem Kleinkalibergewehr”


[64] Czech, Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1940 - 1945, p. 548, see appendix I.


[65] Examination of Olszowka of 13.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix I.


[66] Examination of Paczula of 8.5.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix I.


[67] Examination of Czekalski of 8.5.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix I.


[68] Examination of Severa of 20.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix I.


[69] Examination of Beranovsky of 17.04.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix I.


[70] Interrogation of Gönczi of 08.6.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Und da konnte man sofort sehen, daß das die Haut eines Menschen ist. Und seit diesem Tag haben wir gewußt – unser kleiner Kreis, denn wir haben Angst gehabt, davon zu sprechen –, daß ich in Wirklichkeit Menschenfleisch für bakteriologische Zwecke verarbeitet habe. Und ich habe circa ein halbes Jahr Menschenfleisch gekocht [anstelle der] Ration, die die SS-Männer bekommen haben, damit die selbst sich Beefsteaks und andere Sachen davon machen konnten.”


[71] Interrogation of Fabian of 6.11.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Dann gingen wir, um diesen großen Zigeuner aus dem Waschraum des Blocks 11 zu holen… Es war ihm Fleisch herausgeschnitten worden auf der Brust, an den Armen und an den Beinen.”


[72] Interrogation of Kasner of 15.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Diese Frauen hatten am Körper die Brüste abgeschnitten und an sämtlichen Weichteilen des ganzen Körpers, am Hinterteil, an den Schenkeln, in großen und tiefen Schnitten das Fleisch herausgeschnitten.”


[73] Interrogation of Müller of 8.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Und daß sie von den Leuten, die dort erschossen worden sind, Fleisch genommen hatten. Und zwar hatten sie es vom Schenkel genommen und haben das in große Eimer hereingetan.”


[74] Langbein, People in Auschwitz, p. 346: “If I was interested in someone because of an advanced process of starvation, I ordered the medic to reserve the patient for me and notify me when he was going to be killed by means of a phenol injection. On that day the patient chosen by me was taken to the block and put on the dissecting table while he was still alive. I stepped up to him and asked him about details that were of interest for my investigation—for example, his weight before his imprisonment, the weight loss in the camp, any medicine taken recently, and so on. After I had obtained this information, the medic came and killed the patient by injecting him in the cardiac area. I never gave lethal injections myself. I waited at a certain distance from the dissecting table with prepared containers. Right after the patient had died from the injection, inmate physicians removed parts of his liver and pancreas. I put these in the receptacles, which contained a preservative liquid.”


[75] The diary of Kremer is reproduced in the Auschwitz State Museum publication Auschwitz in den Augen der SS.


[76] Interrogation of Hofmann of 22.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Neben dem Arrestbau befand sich im Block 10 ein Revier, in welchem von Dr. Clauberg Versuche an Häftlingen durchgeführt wurden. Um welche Versuche es sich dabei handelte, kann ich nicht mehr sagen. Wir hatten keinen Einblick. Ich weiß nur, daß bei diesen Versuchen sehr viele Todesfälle vorkamen.”


[77] Examination of Gönczi of 08.6.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Block 10, das war der Versuchsblock, wo der Professor Clauberg die Versuche mit Frauen gemacht hat.”


[78] Höß, Die nichtärztliche Tätigkeit der SS-Ärzte im K.L. Auschwitz, January 1947, from SS im Einsatz, p. 368 f.:„Versuche haben ausgeübt: …c) Prof. Clauberg: Sterilisationsforschung. Injektionen, um durch Verklebung der Eileiter die Fortpflanzung zu unterbinden, an jüdischen Frauen. d) Dr. Schumann: Sterilisationsversuche. Durch Röntgenstrahlen die Fortpflanzungsorgane zu zerstören an jüdischen Frauen.”


[79] Broszat, Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 174: „Das Blutbad von Budy steht mir jetzt noch vor Augen. Ich glaube nicht, daß Männer je zu solchen Bestien werden könnten. Wie die Grünen die französischen Jüdinnen zugerichtet hatten, zerrissen, mit der Axt erschlagen, erwürgt hatten. Einfach grauenhaft.”


[80] Interrogation of Klehr of 25.9.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Mir ist bekannt, daß in einem Außenlager eine Revolte unter den weiblichen Häftlingen ausgebrochen war.”


[81] Interrogation of Kremer of 30.7.1947, from Auschwitz in den Augen der SS, Kremer-Tagebuch, fn 61: „Außerdem war ich noch einmal beim Töten einer von sechs Frauen durch eine Injektion zugegen, die der für die sog. Revolte in Budy zum Tode verurteilten Gruppe angehörte. Diese Hinrichtung führte Klehr ebenfalls im Sektionssaal des letzten Blocks auf der rechten Seite in Auschwitz durch (Block 28). Es waren alles gesunde Frauen, es scheint mir deutscher Nationalität, die in sitzender Stellung von Klehr getötet wurden. Mich hatte man zu dieser Hinrichtung abkommandiert, um als Arzt den Tod festzustellen. Ich sah nur dem Töten der ersten dieser Frauen zu, dann ging ich hinaus.”


[82] Examination of Paczula of 30.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Nach dem Aufstand im Budy-Kommando wurden einige Häftlingsfrauen mit dem Sanitätsauto gebracht und durch Spritzen auf Block 28 getötet. Ich habe selbst das Sanitätsauto gesehen. Augenzeuge der Tötungsaktion war ich jedoch nicht. Ich habe nur durch Häftlinge erfahren, daß Klehr diese Frauen getötet habe.”


[83] Examination of Klehr of 30.1.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix J.


[84] Examination of Lill of 18.09.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix J.


[85] Examination of Kagan of 31.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix J.


[86] Examination of Holuj of 12.6.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix J.


[87] Examination of Reineck of 5.6.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix J.


[88] Examination of de Martini of 4.6.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix J.


[89] Examination of Fejkiel of 29.5.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix J.


[90] Examination of Pilecki of 14.5.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix J.


[91] Examination of Paczula of 30.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix J.


[92] Examination of Kowalczyk of 23.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix J.


[93] Examination of Langbein of 6.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix J.


[94] Kielar, Anus Mundi, p. 160, see appendix J.


[95] Höß, Die nichtärztliche Tätigkeit der SS-Ärzte im K.L. Auschwitz, January 1947, quoted from SS im Einsatz, p. 368 f., see appendix J.


[96] Interrogation of Lucas of 14.2.1962, see appendix J.


[97] Examination of Lucas of 27.1.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Auf den Todesscheinen waren immer die richtigen Todesursachen angegeben.”


[98] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant von Auschwitz, p. 159: „Von den über 10000 russischen Kriegsgefangenen, die die Hauptarbeitskraft für den Aufbau des KGL Birkenau darstellen sollten, waren bis zum Sommer 42 nur noch wenige Hundert am Leben.”


[99] Interrogation of Wassiljew of 23.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Im Sommer 1942 waren noch 150 Personen am Leben von diesen 13.000. Wir standen beim Appell. Es wurde der Stand der Kriegsgefangenen angegeben. Da konnte man diese Zahl feststellen.”


[100] Affidavit of Smolen of 15.12.1947 (NO-5849), from Mattogno, Auschwitz The First Gassing, p. 97 ff.: “In early October of 1941 the first transports of Russians came to Auschwitz. As I was already working as Schreiber in the political department, together with my comrades, I had to register the new arrivals.Within a week, 10,000 Russian POWs arrived from Stalag VIIIB/Lamsdorf and from another Stalag, the number of which I have forgotten, Neuhammerupon-Queis…Thus, at Birkenau, there was a Russian camp that was occasionally added to by transports which, however, never contained more than 200 prisoners, By the middle of 1942, all but 150 of them had died or been executed.”


[101] Grotum, Das Digitale Archiv, p. 319.


[102] Mattogno, Auschwitz: The First Gassing, p. 104.


[103] Auschwitz in den Augen der SS, Höß-Aufzeichnungen I, fn 54.


[104] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant von Auschwitz, p. 160: „Im Sommer 42, glaube ich, gelang diesem Rest ein Massenausbruch. Ein großer Teil wurde dabei erschossen, doch gelang es vielen zu entkommen.”


[105] Interrogation of Broad of 8.2.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich kann mich an ein Sonderkommando erinnern, welches etwa im Jahre 1943 nach Auschwitz kam. Es handelte sich dabei um Russen – möglicherweise Kaukasier – die wahrscheinlich für einen Sondereinsatz ausgebildet wurden. Dieses Sonderkommando war unter dem Namen »Zeppelin« bekannt. Ich selbst habe diese Leute, es waren immer nur Trupps von 30-50 Mann, nur auf der Straße marschieren sehen und russische Lieder singen hören. Es wurde damals davon gesprochen, daß es sich um eine Spezialeinheit handelte, die für Sonderaufgaben hinter den russischen Linien bestimmt war.”


[106] Interrogation of Mulka of 8.11.1960 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Das auf Blatt 2 unter ‚Verteile’« genannte ‚Sonderkommando Zeppelin’ bestand aus Russen, die als Partisanen aufgegriffen worden waren. Genau erinnern kann ich mich aber nicht mehr. Meines Wissens waren sie außerhalb des Lagers untergebracht.”


[107] See Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 542 – 543.


[108] Czech, Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1940 – 1945, p. 179.


[109] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant von Auschwitz, p. 243: „Noch im Sommer 1942 wurden die Leichen in die Massengäber gebracht.”


[110] Interrogation of Broad of 1.5.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Zu damaliger Zeit müssen Tausende von Russen erschossen worden sein, von wem, weiß ich nicht. Ich weiß jedoch noch, daß zu meiner Zeit in Birkenau die Massengräber der Russen wieder geöffnet und die Leichen anschließend verbrannt wurden. Mir wurde erzählt, daß diese Massengräber in Lehm gegraben waren, so daß das Blut der Leichen sowie die Stoffe, die sich bei der Verwesung bildeten, nach unten nicht abfließen konnten, so daß die Erde oben wieder aufbrach und diese Gräber einen entsetzlichen Gestank verbreiteten.“


[111] Josef Erber, Direkt von der Rampe weg: „Ganz zuerst hat man sie eingegraben. Die vergasten Leute. Dann ist aber nach einiger Zeit ist das Blutwasser raufgetreten. Das hat sich gehoben das Ganze.”


[112] Report of Grabner of 1.9.1945, quoted from Carlo Mattogno, Auschwitz: Crematorium I, p. 60: “In connection with the propaganda about Katyn, an order came from Berlin in 1942 to unearth the corpses and to burn them, so as to leave no traces.”


[113] See Kommandantursonderbefehl Nr. 1/42 of 15.04.1942, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 125.


[114] Report of Dejaco of 17.09.1942, Reisebericht über die Dienstfahrt nach Litzmannstadt, NO-4467.


[115] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant von Auschwitz, p. 243 and 244: „Kurze Zeit nach dem Reichsführerbesuch kam Standartenführer Blobel von der Dienststelle Eichmann und brachte den RFSS-Befehl, wonach sämtliche Massengräber freizulegen und die Leichen zu verbrennen seien. Ebenso sollte die Asche so beseitigt werden, daß man in späterer Zeit keinerlei Rückschlüsse über die Zahl der Verbrannten ziehen könne. Blobel machte in Kulmhof bereits Versuche verschiedener Verbrennungsarten. Er hatte den Auftrag von Eichmann, mir diese Anlage zu zeigen. Ich fuhr mit Hößler nach Kulmhof zur Besichtigung.”


[116] Report of Grabner, quoted during the examination of Dürmayer of 22.6.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Wurden die Leichen eine Zeitlang in großen Schächten eingegraben, und zwar in der Nähe der genannten Anlagen, die später ebenfalls durch Hössler und Moll, auf Befehl von Höß, wieder ausgegraben werden mußten.”


[117] Declaration of Aumeier of 25.7.1945, quoted from http://www.fpp.co.uk/Auschwitz/Aumeier/250745.html: „Wie mir der L.K. erzählte, kam durch den Reichsarzt- von Berlin der Befehl, dahs sämtliche begrabenen Häftlinge wieder ausgegraben und verbrannt werden müssen. Zu diesem Zweck war ein Standartenführer Blomb oder Plobel in Auschwitz anwesend, der die Anleitungen zur Verbrennung in Scheiterhaufen und Gruben gab. Es wurde ein Kom[m]ando aus jüdischen Häftlingen zusammengestellt und Untersturmführer Hehsler mit der Durchführung durch den L.K. beauftragt.”


[118] Report of Dejaco of 17.09.1942, Reisebericht über die Dienstfahrt nach Litzmannstadt, NO-4467.


[119] Waibl-Stockner, “Die Juden sind unser Unglück”, p. 170.


[120] Moll was promoted to SS-Hauptscharführer on 1 September 1942, see Kommandanturbefehl Nr. 17/42 of 11.9.1942, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 171.


[121] Report of Grabner, quoted during the Examination of Dürmayer of 22.6.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Wurden die Leichen eine Zeitlang in großen Schächten eingegraben, und zwar in der Nähe der genannten Anlagen, die später ebenfalls durch Hössler und Moll, auf Befehl von Höß, wieder ausgegraben werden mußten.”


[122] Interrogation of Moll and Höß of 16.4.1946, from Overy, Interrogations: The Nazi Elite in Allied Hands, 1945: „[Moll] First, I was used in work in connection with the excavation of the mass graves…[Höß] Moll is correct insofar as he says he was first used in the excavations - that was before he was being used for the executions.”


[123] Czech, Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1940 – 1945, p. 149.


[124] Kommandanturbefehl Nr. 10/43 of 30.04.1943, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 260: “Der Führer und Reichskanzler hat dem SS-Sturmbannführer Rudolf Höß und SS-Hauptscharführer Otto Moll das Kriegsverdienstkreuz 1. Klasse mit Schwertern verliehen.”


[125] Interrogation of Hölblinger of 3.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess).


[126] Kommandanturbefehl Nr. 8/43 of 20 April 1943, Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 245: “Am 9.3.43 bei der Verfolgung von 2 Juden, die vom Sonderkommando flüchtig waren, ist der SS-Unterscharführer Jochum, 2. Komp., mit der 2. Kompanie unter schwierigsten Verhältnissen über die Weichsel gesetzt und stellte die Häftlinge in einem Wald bei Jedlin.”


[127] Interrogation of Boger of 8.10.1958 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Palitzsch wurde einmal von mir dem SS-Gericht angezeigt, weil er mit Häftlingsfrauen Geschlechtsverkehr ausübte.”


Interrogation of Boger of 9.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich habe selbst gegen ihn Ermittlungen geführt, und er kam vor ein SS- und Polizeigericht. Welche Strafe er bekam, weiß ich nicht mehr, doch ist sicher, daß er zur Frontbewährung kam. Er war außerdem vorher in Matzkau und war degradiert worden.”


[128] Interrogation of Diamanski of 19.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Broad holte Palitzsch mit gezogener Pistole aus der Baracke, in der er sich mit der Zigeunerin befand, heraus und Palitzsch kam später in ein Straflager.”


[129] Interrogation of Broad of 7.2.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Eine ‚Sonderbehandlung’ habe ich nur einmal direkt gesehen, und zwar im kleinen Krematorium am Stammlager.”


[130] Manuscript of Höß of November 1946 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix K.


[131] Interrogation of Mulka of 11.9.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix K.


[132] Interrogation of Boger of 30.5.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix K.


[133] Examination of Wilhelmy of 21.1.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix K.


[134] Interrogation of Karhausen of 17.1.1957 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix K.


[135] Examination of Bartsch of 3.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix K.


[136] Examination of Majerczyk of 17.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix K.


[137] Examination of Cougno of 17.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix K.


[138] Examination of Kulka of 30.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix K.


[139] Examination of Langbein of 6.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix K.


[140] Examination of Schaner of 20.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix K.


[141] Examination of de Martini of 4.6.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix K.


[142] Examination of Pilecki of 14.5.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Es gab auch Dunkelzellen. Und eine von den Zellen wurde umgebaut zur sogenannten Stehzelle. Aus einer Zelle, nicht auf dem Korridor, sondern aus einer Zelle wurden vier Stehzellen gebaut.”


[143] Examination of Wloch of 16.11.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Der ganze Bunker hatte 28 Zellen. Und eine Zelle – ich weiß jetzt nicht mehr, ich glaube, das war die Nummer 22 – wurde noch mal in vier sogenannte Stehzellen eingeteilt.”


[144] Drawing 4056 of 26.6.1944, in Mattogno, Auschwitz, The First Gassing, p. 28.


[145] Examination of Pilecki of 14.5.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich selbst wurde auch einmal an dem Pfahl aufgehängt. Das war etwa im September 1940. Es handelte sich um einen Balken im Dachboden des Blocks 3. An diesem Balken war ein Haken. Mir wurden die Hände mit einer Schnur über dem Rücken gefesselt. Die Schnur wurde dann in den Haken gehängt, so daß das ganze Gewicht des Körpers an den nach rückwärts ausgestreckten Armen hing. Am Anfang waren die Füße etwa einen halben Meter vom Boden entfernt. Mit dem Nachlassen der Kraft in den Armen sackte dann der Körper immer mehr ab, bis die Füße zum Schluß nur noch wenige Zentimeter über dem Boden waren. Daß es sich hierbei um eine besonders schmerzhafte Tortur handelte, brauche ich wohl nicht besonders aufzuführen. Ich habe damals auf Befehl des SS-Oberscharführers Palitzsch etwa eine halbe Stunde hängen müssen. Bei Häftlingen, die länger hängen mußten, wurde das Aufhängen stundenweise vorgenommen. Wer also eine Strafe von 4 Stunden erhalten hatte, wurde an 4 verschiedenen Tagen meistens im Abstand von einer Woche je eine Stunde an den Pfahl gehängt.”


[146] Examination of Windeck of 13.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Auch mußte ich dreimal je eine Stunde am Pfahl hängen. Der Pfahl befand sich auf dem Dachboden des Blocks 11 im Stammlager. Man bekam die Arme auf dem Rücken zusammengebunden und wurde dann mit nach oben gedrehten Armen an einen Haken gehängt, so daß die Füße gut 20 cm über dem Boden blieben.”


[147] Examination of Steinberg of 28.09.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Den Begriff Pfahlhängen kenne ich nur aus den Akten. Eines Tages kam von einer hohen Stelle der Befehl, wir sollten sämtliche Akten auf den Vermerk: ‚Pfahl’ durchsuchen. Wir mußten dann die Seiten mit dem Vermerk: ‚Pfahl’ herausnehmen und auf die Seite legen. Die betreffende Seite wurde umgeschrieben, der Vermerk: ‚Pfahl’ wurde weggelassen. Damals war Grabner noch Leiter der Politischen Abteilung”.


[148] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 188, see appendix L.


[149] Report of Grabner of 17.9.1947, quoted from Mattogno, Auschwitz: The First Gassing, p. 65, see appendix L.


[150] Interrogation of Storch of 29.3.1961, quoted from Mattogno, Auschwitz: The First Gassing, p. 66, examination of Storch of 13.7.1964, see appendix L.


[151] Deposition of Banach of 18.7.1947, quoted from Mattogno, Auschwitz: The First Gassing, p. 46: “The corpses were bluish, one could see traces of blood around their mouths and noses.”


[152] Report of Petzold of 17.5.1945, quoted from Mattogno, Auschwitz: The First Gassing, p. 40: “The nature of the corpses, on account of the terrible effect of the poison gas, was such that one could see only blue-black, bloated, and mushy flesh that had once belonged to human beings”.


[153] Die Auschwitz-Hefte, Texte der polnischen Zeitrschrift “Prezglad Lekarski” über historische, psychische und medizinische Aspekte des Lebens und Sterbens in Auschwitz, p. 274.


[154] International Programme on Chemical Safety/Commission of the European Communities Evaluation of Antidotes Series, Volume 2, Antidotes for poisoning by cyanide, quoted from http://www.inchem.org/documents/antidote/antidote/ant02.htm (accessed 17 September 2011):, “It should be emphasized that the bright-red coloration of the skin or absence of cyanosis mentioned in textbooks (Gosselin et al., 1984; Goldfrank et al., 1984) is seldom described in case reports of cyanide poisonings. Theoretically this sign could be explained by the high concentration of oxyhaemoglobin in the venous return, but, especially in massive poisoning, cardiovascular collapse will prevent this from occurring. Sometimes, cyanosis can be observed initially, while later the patient may become bright pink (Hilmann et al., 1974).”


[155] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 189, see appendix M.


[156] Declaration of Grabner of 1.9.1945, quoted from Carlo Mattogno, Auschwitz: Crematorium I, p. 59, see appendix M.


[157] Declaration of Aumeier of 25.7.1945, quoted from www.fpp.co.uk/Auschwitz/Aumeier/250745.html, see appendix M.


[158] Interrogation of Klehr of 25.9.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix M.


[159] Interview with Kaduk of 1979, quoted from Demant, Auschwitz - “Direkt von der Rampe weg...”, p. 65, see appendix M.


[160] Interrogation of Scherpe of 15.8.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix M.


[161] Interrogation of Stark of 23.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix M.


[162] Examination of Schlupper of 13.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix M.


[163] Examination of Leischow of 17.7.1964, see appendix M.


[164] Examination of Böck of 3.8.1964, see appendix M.


[165] Examination of Hess of 11.9.1964, see appendix M.


[166] Examination of Wilks of 17.9.1964, see appendix M.


[167] Examination of Broch of 2.11.1964, see appendix M.


[168] Examination of Wilhelmy of 21.1.1965, see appendix M.


[169] Examination of Storch of 13.7.1964, see appendix M.


[170] Examination of Langbein of 6.3.1964, see appendix M.


[171] Examination of Glowacki of 23.4.1964, see appendix M.


[172] Examination of Golik of 8.6.1964, see appendix M.


[173] Interrogation of Pys, pre-trial investigations, date unknown, examination of Pys of 12.06.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix M.


[174] Examination of Sikorski of 19.6.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix M.


[175] Examination of Kagan of 31.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix M.


[176] Examination of Lill of 18.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix M.


[177] Examination of Mikolajski of 25.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix M.


[178] Deposition of Müller of 1947, quoted from Mattogno, Auschwitz: Crematorium I, p. 34, see appendix M.


[179] Deposition of Jankowski of 29.9.1980, quoted from Pressac, Technique and Operation of the Auschwitz Gas-Chambers, p. 124, see appendix M.


[180] Interrogation of Bartel of 27.8.1947, quoted from Mattogno, Auschwitz: Crematorium I, p. 32, see appendix M.


[181] Vaupel was promoted to SS-Hauptscharführer on 1.9.1942, see Kommandanturbefehl Nr. 17/42 of 11.09.1942, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 171.


[182] Theuer was promoted to SS-Unterscharführer on 1.8.1941, see Kommandanturbefehl Nr. 21/41 of 12.8.1941, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 61.


[183] Schwindt, Das Konzentrations- und Vernichtungslager Majdanek, p. 231.


[184] Examination of Broad of 2.3.1946 (NI-11954), see appendix M.


[185] Affidavit of Broad of 20.10.1947 (NI-11984), see appendix M.


[186] Interrogation of Broad of 30.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix M.


[187] Examination of Broad of 13.1.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix M.


[188] Interrogation of Broad of 2.3.1946 (NI-11954): „ [How frequently did this take place in the old crematorium?] I cannot say for certain, because I have seen only that one, but I could draw my conclusion about different gassing actions, because a concentration of several guards would concentrated by the Untersturmführer Hurstler once or twice per month.”


[189] See Mattogno, Auschwitz: Crematorium I, p. 44 – 46.


[190] Piper, Die Zahl der Opfer von Auschwitz, p. 199.


[191] Examination of Pomreinke of 13.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „[Wissen Sie, wer angeordnet hatte, daß die Lkws diese ankommenden Transporte teilweise in die Gaskammern fahren mußten?] Das weiß ich nicht, es wurde bei uns angerufen, und dann heißt es: ‚Fertigmachen, Transport ist da.’”


[192] Examination of Böck of 3.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Wenn der Fahrer von der Fahrbereitschaft einen Telefonanruf gekriegt hat, oben von der Fernsprechstelle oder wie das geheißen hat, da hat es geheißen: ‚Transport ist eingelaufen.’”


[193] See Memorial to the Jews deported from France, 1942-1944, p. 364 and 385.


[194] Interrogation of Lucas of 14.2.1962 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “Der ankommende Transport bestand jeweils aus einem endlos langen Güterzug.”


[195] Examination of Schlupper of 13.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “ Es war ein Güterzug voll Menschen.”


[196] Examination of Glaser of 11.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Der Zug ist eingefahren. Der Transport, der wurde entladen....Es war ein Güterzug.”


[197] Examination of Hilse of 27.11.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “Soweit ich mich heute noch entsinnen kann, waren sämtliche Züge, die von Ungarn gefahren wurden in das Lager Auschwitz, auf Großen Wehrmachtsfrachtbrief abgefertigt.”


[198] See photograph from the so called Auschwitz album in appendix ZE.


[199] See appendix ZA.


[200] Report of a local police station in Auschwitz, http://en.auschwitz.org.pl/m/index.php?option=com_ponygallery&func=detail&id=487&Itemid=3: “...geschoren, auf dem l. Unterarm eintätowierte No...”


[201] Interrogation of Boger of 8.10.1958 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “Frauen mit Kindern kamen meines Wissens sofort zur Vergasung.”


[202] Interrogation of Kaduk of 1.9.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “Wenn z.B. die Mutter eines Kindes als arbeitsfähig erachtet wurde, und es ergaben sich bei der Trennung von Mutter und Kind Szenen, dann wurde die Mutter trotz ihrer Arbeitsfähigkeit den Vergasungskandidaten zugeteilt. Man wollte dadurch verhüten, daß an der Rampe Unruhe entstand.”


[203] Interrogation of Stark of 24.7.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich hatte, wie gesagt, die Aufgabe, aus der Gesamtzahl der ankommenden Personen die als arbeitsfähig Selektierten zu erfassen und der Zahl nach nach Berlin zu melden…Ich berichtige, der Abteilungsleiter hat das Fernschreiben abgesandt, ich habe es nur inhaltlich vorbereitet…Ich hatte also festzustellen die Anzahl der arbeitsfähig Selektierten und die Anzahl der »gesondert Untergebrachten«, um dieses Fernschreiben vorbereiten zu können. Meistens erfuhr ich diese beiden Zahlen auf dem Selektionsplatz selbst und fuhr dann unmittelbar mit dem Motorrad ins Büro zurück.”


[204] Testimony of Erber, 1979, from Demant, Direkt von der Rampe weg: „Und wenn ein Zug hereinkam mit dem Transport, mußte der Transportbegleiter die Leute aufschreiben lassen und aufstellen lassen zum Abzählen. Ich war dazumal bei der Politischen Abteilung und war bei der Aufnahme. Ich mußte ja dem Mann, wenn ich auf der Rampe Dienst hatte, die Zahl bestätigen, daß er sie gebracht hat, soundsoviel. Und dann, wenn der erste gezählt war, der ganze Transport, wurde ja die Bestätigung abgegeben, also dem Transportführer bestätigt, daß er den Transport abgeliefert hat.”


[205] Examination of Hölblinger of 3.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix O.


[206] Examination of Böck of 3.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix O.


[207] Examination of Christoph of 7.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix O.


[208] Examination of Siebald of 17.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix O.


[209] Examination of Gaar of 28.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix O.


[210] Examination of Vollrath of 28.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix O.


[211] Interrogation of Baretzki of 25.8.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix O.


[212] Interrogation of Boger of 9.10.1958 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix O.


[213] Interrogation of Hofman of 27.04.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix O.


[214] Interrogation of Klehr of 22.9.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix O.


[215] Examination of Wildermuth of 17.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Die Menschen sind hinten rauf, da ist extra eine Treppe hingemacht worden, da sind sie raufgestiegen.”


[216] Examination of Hölblinger of 3.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “Der jeweilige Sankafahrer hat ja immer Nachtdienst gehabt, und der hat müssen mit dem Transport fahren, der Nachtdienst gehabt hat…. Den Wagen vor die Fahrbereitschaft fahren und auf die Sanitäter und den Arzt warten. Da fuhr ich hinaus zum Transport. An die Rampe. Na, von dort sind wir dann eben weitergefahren bis zu den Entkleidungs- und Vergasungsräumen.”


[217] Examination of Böck of 3.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “Ja, der Sanitätswagen, wenn Transport [+ war], ist der immer hinaus. Ja, ich glaube, noch ein Unterscharführer ist mit ihm gefahren, mit dem Hölblinger, denke ich mir, nicht, das... [Und hat der auch die Büchsen mit dem Gas mitgenommen?] Die hat er drin gehabt im Sanitätswagen, das weiß ich bestimmt. Bei der ersten Vergasung, von der ich erzähle, hatte der ja hinten drin im Wagen die Büchsen stehen.”


[218] Interrogation of Klehr of 25.5.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Die vier SS-Männer des Vergasungskommandos luden die Büchsen mit dem Gas in einen Sanitätskraftwagen und fuhren damit ebenfalls zur Rampe. Anfangs fuhr der Lagerarzt, der zum Rampendienst eingeteilt war, mit dem Vergasungskommando zu der Verladerampe in Birkenau.”


[219] Interrogation of Broad of 1.5.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Einmal bin ich mit Boger mit einem Sanitätskraftwagen zu einem Vergasungsraum in Birkenau gefahren, um eine Vergasung einmal zu sehen.”


[220] Klehr was promoted to SS-Oberscharführer between 20.4 – 22.7.1943, cf. Standortbefehl Nr. 29/43 of 22.7.1943, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 311 f.


[221] Klehr received the Kriegsverdienstkreuz in April 1943, see Kommandanturbefehl Nr. 8/43 of 20.4.1943, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 249 f.


[222] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 254: „Beim Entladen der angekommenen Judentransporte blieb das gesamte Gepäck auf der Rampe liegen, bis alle Juden nach den Vernichtungsstellen bzw. ins Lager gebracht waren. Danach wurde durch ein besonderes Transportkommando das gesamte Gepäck in der ersten Zeit nach der Sortierstelle, Kanada I, gebracht, um dort sortiert bzw. desinfiziert zu werden.”


[223] Interrogation of Baretzki of 25.8.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Hin und wieder habe ich auch auf der Rampe in Birkenau Dienst gehabt. Anfänglich hatte ich das sog. ‚Aufräumungskommando’ zu beaufsichtigen. Diesem Kommando lag es ob, die auf der Rampe zurückgelassenen Gepäckstücke abzutransportieren. In dieser Funktion mußte ich auch darauf achten, daß kein Häftling oder gar ein SS-Mann sich an dem Gepäck zu schaffen machte, denn es war ja viel zum Organisieren darunter.”


[224] Interrogation of Boger of 13.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Die Häftlinge mußten nach dem Ausladen ihr Gepäck auf den Bahnsteig ablegen.”


[225] Interrogation of Frank of 5.5.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Den ankommenden Juden wurde gesagt, daß sie das Gepäck auf der Mittelrampe ablegen sollten. Teilweise mußten sie das Gepäck auch in den Zügen zurücklassen.”


[226] Interrogation of Hofmann of 27.04.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Die in den Waggons und auf der Rampe zurückgebliebenen Gepäckstücke wurden von einem Häftlings-Sonderkommando unter der Aufsicht der Standortverwaltung gesammelt und in das Lager gebracht.”


[227] Interrogation of Schatz of 11.4.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Das Gepäck blieb an der Rampe liegen. Es wurde dort vorsortiert. Ich glaube, mich erinnern zu können, daß Kleider, Töpfe und ärztliches Gerät auseinandersortiert wurde.”


[228] Deposition of Höß of 14.3.1946, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 136 and 137.


Höß' autobiography, Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 191, Broszat (ed.), Höß manuscript on the Final Solution of the Jewish Question in Auschwitz, Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 242 – 243, see appendix P.


[229] Testimony of Erber of 12.7.1977, from http://rodohforum.yuku.com/topic/10378, see appendix P.


[230] Interrogation of Stark of 23.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[231] Interrogation of Mulka of 11.9.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[232] Deposition of Aumeier of 25 July 1945, from http://www.fpp.co.uk/Auschwitz/Aumeier/250745.html, see appendix P.


[233] Examination of Kremer of 4.6.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[234] Affidavit of Entress of 14.4.1947, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 141 and 142, see appendix P.


[235] Interrogation of Fischer of 19.10.1965, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 150 and 151, see appendix P.


[236] Examination of Kaduk of 3.5.1965 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P


[237] Interrogation of Mußfeldt of 8.9.1947, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 142 and 143, see appendix P.


[238] Examination of Hölblinger of 3.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[239] Interrogation of Böck of 2.11.1960, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 146 - 147, examination of Böck of 3.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[240] Examination of Wildermuth of 17.09.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[241] Examination of Tomaszewski of 28.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[242] Examination of Siebald of 17.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[243] Examination of Hess of 11.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[244] Interrogation of Dragon of 26.2.1945, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 71 ff., see appendix P.


[245] Report of Paisikovic of 17.10.1963, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 106 and 107, account of Paisikovic of 10.8.1964, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 108 and 109, examination of Paisikovic of 8.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[246] Examination of Buki of 14.1.1965 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[247] Account of Müller of 1979, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 113, see Appendix P.


[248] Drawing by Olere of 1945, from Pressac, Techniqe and Operation of the Auschwitz Gas-Chambers, p. 178, see appendix P.


[249] Testimony of Eisenschmidt, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 124 and 125, see appendix P.


[250] Testimony of Chasan, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 125 and 126, see appendix P.


[251] Testimony of Cohen, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 127, see appendix P.


[252] Testimony of Venezia of 18.1.2001, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 130 and 131, see appendix P.


[253] Testimony of Nyiszli of 1946, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 93 and 94, see appendix P.


[254] Report of Lettich of 1946, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 97, see appendix P.


[255] Examination of Bendel of 1.10.1945, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 96, see appendix P.


[256] Report of Rögner, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 101 and 102, see appendix P.


[257] Examination of Gulba of 5.2.1965 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), report of Gulba of 2.12.1970, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 110 f., see appendix P.


[258] Examination of Wohlfahrt, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 103 – 105, see appendix P.


[259] Examination of Porebski of 18.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[260] Account of Garbarz of 1983, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 114 and 115, see appendix P.


[261] Deposition of Benroubi, from Pressac, Auschwitz: Technique and Operation of the Gas Chambers, p. 162, see appendix P.


[262] Examination of Löbner of 20.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix P.


[263] Interrogation of Broad of 8.2.196 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess)1, see appendix P.


[264] Affidavit of Broad of 20.10.1947 (NI-11984): „Ungefähr Ende 1942 oder Anfang 1943 erfuhr ich von einem als Waldaufseher eingesetzten SS-Mann, daß sich einmal die Bewohner des Dorfes Wohlau am Ufer der Weichsel versammelten, um von dortaus zu beobachten, wie Hunderte von Menschen, die entkleidet waren, mit Schlägen und Pistolenschüssen in einem früher benutzten, provisorischen Gasbunker getrieben wurden. Die Vorgänge waren deutlich sichtbar, weil nur wenige Meter neben dem Bunker eine große Feuerstelle war. Die Entfernung von diesem Bunker zur Beobachtungsstelle mag etwa 1000 m betragen haben.”


[265] Interrogation of Mandelbaum of 27.2.1945, from Mattogno, Auschwitz Open Air Incinerations, p. 14: “We laid down one layer of wood and one of corpses, for ten layers altogether. In total, we put about 150-180 corpses on one pyre. We lit the pyre with pinewood soaked with gasoline.” Mandelbaum probably meant to say that there were 150-180 corpses per layer, see also Mattogno, Auschwitz Open Air Incinerations, p. 15, fn 37.


[266] Report from the camp resistance of 1942/1943, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 59: “Presently, they are being burned in trenches specifically dug for this purpose. In these trenches, a layer of wood is put down, then a layer of human bodies, then a layer of paper, more wood and another layer of corpses. When we come back from work, we see Brzezinky on fire.”


[267] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 243: „Die Leichen wurden zuerst mit Ölrückständen, später mit Methanol übergossen.”


[268] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 242, see appendix Q.


[269] Interrogation of Capesius of 11.1.1962 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix Q.


[270] Interrogation of Stark of 23.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix Q.


[271] Examination of Jurasek of 6.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix Q.


[272] Interrogation of Boger of 13.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix Q.


[273] Examination of Morgen of 9.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix Q.


[274] Interrogation of Mulka of 8.11.1960 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Den Häftlingsfrauen wie auch den Männern wurden die Haare geschoren, und ich kann mich dunkel erinnern, daß aus den Haaren U-Boots-Trossen hergestellt wurden.”


[275] Diary entry of Kremer of 5.9.1942, from Auschwitz in den Augen der SS: “Wegen der dabei abfallenden Sonderverpflegung, bestehend aus einem fünftel Liter Schnaps, 5 Zigaretten, 100 g Wurst und Brot, drängen sich die Männer zu solchen Aktionen.”


[276] Interrogation of Klehr of 17.9.1960 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix ZB.


[277] Examination of Hykes of 22.6.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix ZB.


[278] Examination of Hofmann of 7.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix ZB.


[279] Examination of Christoph of 7.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix ZB.


[280] Examination of Tomaszewski of 28.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix ZB.


[281] Schillinger was promoted to SS-Unterschaführer on 1.9.1942, see Kommandanturbefehl Nr. 17/42 of 11.9.1942, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 171 f., but is mentioned as Oberscharführer at the time of the incident in Czech's Kalendarium, p. 637)


[282] Höß, NO-1210, see appendix R.


[283] Examination of Kaduk of 5.11.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix R.


[284] Examination of Wolken of 24.2.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix R.


[285] Examination of Bejlin of 28.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix R.


[286] Examination of Fuks of 16.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix R.


[287] Testimony of Jankowski of 16.4.1945, Bezwinska, Amidst a nightmare of crime, p. 55 – 56, see appendix R.


[288] Testimony of Weiß, quoted from The Pelt Report, p. 96, see appendix R.


[289] Examination of Smolen of 25.5.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix R.


[290] Report of Tabeau, from Swiebocki, London has been informed, p. 314, see appendix R.


[291] Müller, Sonderbehandlung. Drei Jahre in den Krematorien und Gaskammern von Auschwitz, p. 138 – 141, see appendix R.


[292] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 247: „Schon bei den ersten Verbrennungen im Freien zeigte es sich, daß auf die Dauer dies nicht durchzuführen sei. Bei schlechtem Wetter oder starkem Wind trieb der Verbrennungsgeruch viele Kilometer weit und führte dazu, daß die ganze umwohnende Bevölkerung von den Juden-Verbrennungen sprach, trotz der Gegenpropaganda von Seiten der Partei und Verwaltungsdienststellen. Es waren zwar alle an der Vernichtungsaktion beteiligten SS-Angehörigen besonders streng verpflichtet, über die gesamten Vorgänge zu schweigen. Spätere SS-Gerichtsverhandlungen aber zeigten, daß von Seiten der Beteiligten doch nicht geschwiegen wurde. Auch erhebliche Strafen könnten die Schwatzhaftigkeit nicht verhindern.”


[293] See Standortbefehl Nr. 19/42 of 23.7.1942, Standortsonderbefehl of 7.10.1942, Standortbefehl Nr. 2/43 of 8.12.1943, Standortbefehl Nr. 8/43 of 10.4.1943, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 155, p. 184, p. 218 and p. 241.


[294] Report of Boger of 5.7.1945 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Als das Massensterben von Auschwitz im Herbst 1943 über das ahnungslose deutsche Volk – die Auschwitzer SS-Besatzung hatte selbst, angeblich wegen Seuchen, in Wirklichkeit aber aus durchsichtigen Gründen, über 1½ Jahre Lagersperre!”


[295] Interrogation of Höcker of 16.2.1962 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Die weltanschauliche Schulung des Kommandanturstabes und der Truppe oblag mir nicht. Hierfür war eine besondere Abteilung zuständig. Schulungsleiter war ein Oberscharführer Knittel.”


[296] Report of Boger of 5.7.1945 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Abteilung VI (Fürsorge, Schulung, Truppenbetreuung) Leiter: SS-Oscha. Knittel”


[297] See Black, Foot Soldiers of the Final Solution, Holocaust and Genocide Studies 25, 1, 2011, p. 35.


[298] Standortbefehl Nr. 24/43 of 5.7.1943, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 301: „Am. 4. Juli fielen in Ausübung ihres Dienstes bei der Bandenbekämpfuzng der SS-Scharführer Karl Reinicke, SS-Schtz. Stefan Rahberger. Wir werden den beiden SS-Männern, die getreu ihrem Fahneneid fielen, ein ehrendes Andenken bewahren.”


[299] Report of 10.7.1943, from http://members.shaw.ca/escapinghell/rap-en.htm, http://www.members.shaw.ca/escapinghell/rap-oryg.htm: „On 3/4 VII.1943, at night, sixteen Ukrainians, who were being trained as guards by SS Untersturmführer Lange, escaped with guns and plenty of ammunition. As a consequence all Ukrainian guards were arrested. The deserters took off in the direction of Gross-Chelm and were attempting to cross the river Przemsza to hide in the forests in the region of Jaworzno. The military police from neighbouring locations pursued and a regular battle ensued between the escaped Ukrainians and the police, who in the end got confused as to who was the escapee and who was not and suffered casualties through “friendly fire”. Auxiliary troops had to be summoned from Katowice and Myslowice including SS-men manning armoured vehicles and a pitched battle took place. There were 2 SS-men killed, 4 were seriously wounded and 8 lightly wounded. On the Ukrainian side there were 11 killed, 4 were captured and were subsequently tortured to death. A few days later Untersturmführer Lange was also arrested. According to other Ukrainian sources the escapees were mostly Russian officers.”


[300] Pressac, Auschwitz: Technique and Operation of the Gas Chambers, p. 212.


[301] Ibid., p. 431.


[302] Ibid., p. 237.


[303] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 248: „Die Vergasungsräume faßten je 3 000 Menschen, diese Zahlen wurden aber nie erreicht, da die einzelnen Transporte ja nie so stark waren.”


[304] See Mattogno, Auschwitz: The Case of Sanity, p. 293.


[305] Affidavit of Broad of 20.10.1947 (NI-11984): „Ungefähr im Januar 1944 war im Vorraum der SS-Zentralbauleitung in Auschwitz eine Tafel aufgehängt, die etwa 30 Photographien enthielt. Auf diesen Photos war der Bau der Krematorien in Birkenau in verschiedenen Phasen dargestellt. U. a. konnte man Bilder von langen Reihen der Verbrennungsöfen dort sehen. Auf einem Bild, an das ich mich genau erinnere, war eine Reihe von 15 Öfen dargestellt. Es war deutlich, daß in einem Ofen mehr als eine Leiche gleichzeitig verbrannt werden konnte. Wie ich später erfuhr, wurden gleichzeitig 5 Leichen in einem Ofen verbrannt. Diese Bilder waren für ungefähr eine Woche ausgestellt. Ich schätze, daß während dieser Zeit viele Zivilpersonen von Baufirmen, die geschäftlich in der Zentralbauleitung zu tun hatten, sie gesehen haben. Ich muss annehmen, daß der Anblick dieser vielen Verbrennungsöfen den Besucher davon überzeugt hat, daß Auschwitz ein Vernichtungslager sein sollte. Denn die Epidemien waren eine sporadisch und zeitlich begrenzte Erscheinung, für die man nie einen großen, derart langgeplanten Aufwand gemacht haben würde. Nach einer Woche wurden die Bilder auf Befehl des Lagerkommandanten entfernt, weil dadurch die Geheimhaltung gefährdet wurde.


[306] Pressac, Auschwitz: Technique and Operation of the Gas Chambers, p. 331.


[307] Ibid., p. 331 and 334.


[308] Ibid., p. 442 ff.


[309] Ibid., p. 498.


[310] Gerlach and Aly, Das letzte Kapitel, p. 286, also http://holocaustcontrover...rian-jews-gassed-in.html.


[311] Ibid, p. 296.


[312] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 249: „III fiel nach kurzer Zeit gänzlich aus und wurde später überhaupt nicht mehr benutzt.”


[313] Pressac, Auschwitz: Technique and Operation of the Gas Chambers, p. 422.


[314] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 249: „Die Anlage II, später als Freianlage oder Bunker V bezeichnet, war bis zuletzt im Betrieb, und zwar als Ausweichmöglichkeit bei Pannen in den Krematorien I bis IV.”


[315] Report of Paisikovic of 17.10.1963, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 106: “The others had to march on to the so-called Bunker V (another farmhouse in which gassings took place).”


[316] Deposition of Tauber of 28.2.1945, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 86: “Gas chamber no. 2 and the pyres nearby as well as the pyres near crematorium no. 5 were in operation between May and October 1944 inclusive.”


[317] Account of Nyiszli of 1946, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 92.


[318] Interrogation of Bendel of 7.10.1947, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 96: “From May 15, 1944, on, a new gas chamber was set up, outside the camp enclosure itself. It was installed in a farm cottage divided into two parts, in which the detainees were gassed.”


[319] Report of Paisikovic of 17.10.1963, from Mattogno, The Bunkers of Auschwitz, p. 106.


[320] Testimony of Chasan, from Greif, Wir weinten tränenlos, p. 300 – 301.


[321] On 3.5.1944 the strength of the crematorium detail was 214 prisoners, on 15.5.1944 314 prisoners and on 28.7.1944 900 prisoners, see Mattogno, Auschwitz: Open Air Incineration, p. 80 and 81. Note there is no report available so far for the period between mid May and end July 1944.


[322] Examination of Müller of 8.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „In der Zeit der Ankunft der ungarischen Transporte, wo es innerhalb von 24 Stunden zur Vergasung von 25.000 Menschen kam, war der Stand des Sonderkommandos um 900.”


[323] See appendix Z.


[324] Report of Boger of 5.7.1945 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Das Krematorium zu betreten war nur den dort tätigen SS-Angehörigen – Hauptscharführer Moll, Oberscharführer Voss und Oberscharführer Muhsfeldt sowie dem jüdischen Häftlingskommando erlaubt, das die Wertsachen einsammelte, die Leichen aus den Gasräumen zu den Verbrennungsöfen brachte oder sonstwie im Krematorium beschäftigt war...Sonderkommando: SS-Hscha. Moll, SS-Oscha. Voss, SS-Oscha. Mußfeld.”


[325] Examination of Müller of 5.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Damals in Krematorium II war der Kommandoführer Oberscharführer Muhsfeldt.”


[326] Testimony of Buki of 14.2.1946, read out at Frankfurt Auschwitz trial on 14.1.1965 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “Muhsfeldt war später Chef der Krematorien I und II in Birkenau bei Auschwitz und auch mein Vorgesetzter.”


[327] Standortbefehl of 8.5.1944, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p.445: „Versetzungen a) Ich bin mit sofortiger Wirkung als Kommandant des KL Lublin mit den Arbeitslagern Warschau, Radom, Budzyn und Bliczyn versetzt. Die Geschäfte des SS-Standortältesten hat bis auf weiteres SS-Obersturmbannführer Höß, Chef des Amtes D I, übernommen. Ich danke allen Führern, Unterführern und Männern für ihre treue Mitarbeit. b) SS-Sturmbannführer Hartjenstein, Kommandant KL Auschwitz II, ist mit sofortiger Wirkung als Kommandant des KL Natzweiler mit seinen Arbeits- und Nebenlagern versetzt. Der bisherige Kommandant des KL Natzweiler, SS-Hauptsturmführer Kramer, wird als Kommandant zum KL Auschwitz II versetzt.”


[328] Benz (ed.), Der Ort des Terrors: Geschichte der nationalsozialistischen Konzentrationslager, p. 111.


[329] Schwarz to SS-WVHA of 5.3.1943, from Schmitz-Berning, Vokabular des Nationalsozialismus, p. 585,


Schwarz to SS-WVHA of 8.3.1943, from Baum, Widerstand in Auschwitz, p. 27, Schwarz to SS-WVHA of 20.2.1943, from Piper, Die Zahl der Opfer von Auschwitz,p. 67, Schwarz to SS-WVHA of 15.3.1943, from Piper, Die Zahl der Opfer von Auschwitz, p. 68, see appendix ZC.


[330] See Czech, Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1940-1945. On 29.8.1944, the Birkenau labour force report for the male prisoners lists 874 prisoners as crematorium detail, on 7.10.1944 the figure is reduced to 663 prisoners.


[331] Report of the camp resistance of 26.9.1944, from Czech, Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1940-1945, p. 887, see appendix ZF.


[332] Examination of Müller of 8.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix ZF.


[333] Interrogation of Bialostocki of 25.2.1945, State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF) f. 7021, op. 108, d. 6, l. 142 (courtesy of Sergey Romanov), see appendix ZF.


[334] Interrogation of Colette of 6.3.1945, State Archive of the Russian Federation GARF f. 7021, op. 108, d. 10, l. 91 (courtesy of Sergey Romanov), see appendix ZF.


[335] Examination of Broch of 2.11.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Wenn schon Handgranaten gemacht werden, dann muß Dynamit oder Pulver da sein. Und Dynamit oder Pulver war nur in einer Fabrik. Und in die bin ich hinein, und da war ein Geldschrank. Das habe ich festgestellt. Ein großer alter Geldschrank, in dem dieses Zeug – also das Pulver oder Dynamit, das weiß ich nicht – aufbewahrt war. Und in der Nähe arbeiteten nur Mädchen. Ich habe mir deren Nummern gemerkt, habe mir sie am nächsten Tag vorgeladen.“


[336] Examination of Müller of 5.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “ Das Schiesspulver haben wir gebracht von den Frauen, von dem Kommando Union. [Wie kam es dazu?] Das war so: In der Fabrik, dem Werk, ist eine Pumpe gestanden, so eine Pumpe zum Wasserpumpen. Und die Kapos haben es immer so gemacht - Kaminski und der Schlojme, Lajzer, das waren die Kapos des Krematoriums IV. Und nachher war es der Mietek, der Polacke, der kam vom Krematorium I. Und es war so: Wir gehen, fuenf, sechs Haeftlinge, zur Union, nehmen die Pumpe, bringen sie ins Krematorium IV, viermal, nachher vom Krematorium II. Aber das [Schiesspulver] war nicht in Krematorium IV. Das war in Krematorium I, und nachher wurde es ins Krematorium II gebracht. Weil das war so, Herr Vorsitzender, dass der Haeftling, der auf Krematorium I arbeitete, der konnte ins Krematorium II, weil dort nur eine Strasse war.”


[337] Testimony of Erber of 12.7.1977, from http://rodohforum.yuku.com/topic/10378: “…und von Krematorium eins sind sie restlos durchgegangen, das ganze Kommando ne, Ausbruch, weil da waren ja immer bloß zwei Posten bei so einem Krematorium ne, die sind erschossen worden…“


[338] Examination of Baretzki of 28.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix S.


[339] Testimony of Cohen, from Greif, Wir weinten tränenlos, p. 359: “Inzwischen begannen die Leute vom Krematorium I zu fliehen, als sie die Flammen aus Krematorium III sahen.”


[340] Testimony of Chasan, from Greif, Wir weinten tränenlos, p. 322: “Der Plan war fertig, aber nachdem der Aufstand am 7. Oktober 1944 begonnen hatte, hörten wir plötzlich, die Sonderkommando-Häftlinge vom Krematorium I seien geflohen, und man hätte sie schon umgebracht.“


[341] Testimony of Erber of 1979, Demant, Auschwitz - "Direkt von der Rampe weg...", testimony of Erber of 12.7.1977, from http://rodohforum.yuku.com/topic/10378, see appendix S.


[342] Examination of Baretzki of 20.1.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix S.


[343] Examination of Broch of 2.11.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix S.


[344] Examination of Müller of 5.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix S.


[345] Testimony of Cohen, from Greif, Wir weinten tränenlos, p. 358 – 359, see appendix S.


[346] Testimony of Chasan, from Greif, Wir weinten tränenlos, p. 322: “Der Plan war fertig, aber nachdem der Aufstand am 7. Oktober 1944 begonnen hatte, hörten wir plötzlich, die Sonderkommando-Häftlinge vom Krematorium I seien geflohen, und man hätte sie schon umgebracht.“


[347] Examination of Buki of 14.1.1965 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix S.


[348] Testimony of Eliezer Eisenschmidt, from Greif, Wir weinten tränenlos, p. 283 – 284), see appendix S.


[349] Examination of Sternol of 3.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix S.


[350] Examination of Beranovsky of 17.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix S.


[351] Interrogation of Frank of 18.9.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix S.


[352] Interrogation of Broad of 1.5.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Von einem Aufstand im Krematorium, wobei von den Häftlingen sogar noch Sprengmittel verwendet [worden] sind, ist mir nichts bekannt.“


[353] Standortbefehl Nr. 26/44 of 12.10.1944, reproduced in reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 500: “1. In Ausübung ihres Dienstes fielen vor dem Feind getreu ihrem Eid auf den Führer am Sonnabend, dem 7.10.44


SS-Uscha. Rudolf Erler, geb. 31.8.04 5./SS-T-Stuba.KL Au. I

“ Willi Freese, “ 30.9.21 2./SS-T-Stuba.KL Au. II


“ Josef Purke, “ 28.2.03 1./SS-T-Stuba.KL Au. II


Wir werden den gefallenen Kameraden stets ein treues Andenken bewahren.”


[354] Piper (ed.), Auschwitz: Nazi death camp, p. 34: “In February 1943, a family camp (Familienzigeunerlager) for Gypsies was established there. A total of 20967 men, women, and children would pass through this camp between February 26, 1943, and July 21, 1944. “


[355] Letter of RSHA to the heads of the criminal police of 29.1.1943, reproduced in Hohmann, Robert Ritter und die Erben der Kriminalbiologie, p. 115 ff., see appendix T.


[356] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 161: „Die einzelnen Kripostellen legten sie verschieden aus, und dadurch kam es zu Einweisungen von Personen, die auf keinen Fall zu dem Kreis der zu Internierenden gerechnet werden konnten. Man hatte vielfach Fronturlauber verhaftet, die hohe Auszeichnungen hatten, die mehrfach verwundet waren, deren Vater oder Mutter oder Großvater usw. aber Zigeuner oder Zigeuner-Mischlinge waren. Sogar ein uralter Parteigenosse war darunter, dessen Großvater als Zigeuner in Leipzig zugewandert war; er selbst hatte ein großes Geschäft in Leipzig und war mehrfach ausgezeichneter Weltkriegs-Teilnehmer. Auch war eine Studentin, die in Berlin BdM-Führerin war, darunter. Und dergleichen Fälle mehr. Ich berichtete hierüber dem RKrPA. Darauf wurde laufend das Zigeunerlager überprüft und zahlreiche Entlassungen vorgenommen, doch bei der Masse kaum spürbar.”


[357] Testimony of Supp of 1960, from Hohmann, Robert Ritter und die Erben der Kriminalbiologie, p. 588: „Einige Wochen nach Abschluß der Einlieferungsaktion der Zigeuner nach Auschwitz war ich mit meinem Vorgesetzten, Kriminalrat Otto, im Zigeunerlager Auschwitz. Bei einem zweiten Besuch in Begleitung von Kriminaldirektor Böhlhoff sind wir nicht in das Zigeunerlager hineingekommen, sondern waren lediglich in der Kommandantur des Lagers. Als ich mit Kriminalrat Otto im Zigeunerlager war, haben wir mehrere Fälle überprüft, in denen Zigeuner von örtlichen Kriminalpolizeidienststellen in das Zigeunerlager Auschwitz eingeliefert worden waren, obwohl ihre Person nach Abschnitt II des Schnellbriefes von der Einweisung ausgeschlossen war; es handelte sich insbesondere um Fälle, in denen Frontkämpfer mit Auszeichnungen eingeliefert worden waren. Soviel ich mich erinnere, war es uns auf Grund dieses Besuches gelungen, dass diese Leute entlassen wurden.”


[358] See Zimmermann, Zwischen Erziehung und Vernichtung, p. 405.


[359] See Hohmann, Robert Ritter und die Erben der Kriminalbiologie, p. 133.


[360] Ibid., p. 148.


[361] See Zimmermann, Zwischen Erziehung und Vernichtung, p. 405.


[362] Interrogation of Broad of 30.3.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Zunächst vermag ich mich an weitere Namen nicht zu erinnern. Da ich Abiturient war, kam ich im Sommer 1944, und zwar in den Monaten Juni, Juli, zur SS- Führerschule Arolsen. Wegen meiner Kurzsichtigkeit wurde ich jedoch zurückgestellt und kam nach Auschwitz zurück, wo ich meine alte Tätigkeit in der Politischen Abteilung wiederaufnahm. Während meiner Abwesenheit war das Zigeunerlager in Birkenau, für das ich vordem zuständig gewesen war, aufgelöst worden, d.h., wie ich es erfahren habe. Wie mir weiter gesagt wurde, ist ein Teil der Zigeuner, eine Anzahl vermag ich nicht anzugeben, in andere Lager verbracht, während der größere Teil vergast worden ist. Ich hatte mich wohl dafür interessiert, was mit dem Lager geschehen war, bin aber nicht auf den Gedanken gekommen, in der Kartei nachzusehen, wieviel vergast und wieviel abtransportiert worden sind. Ich glaube auch nicht, daß diese Feststellung für mich möglich gewesen wäre.”


Interrogation of Broad of 21.12.1960: „Über die Vergasung des Zigeunerlagers habe ich bereits in meiner Vernehmung auf Bl. 1754 ff. d.A. angegeben, daß ich zu dieser Zeit nicht in Auschwitz war, sondern mich entweder auf einem Lehrgang in Arolsen oder auf der Rückreise von diesem Lehrgang nach Auschwitz befand. Erst nach meiner Rückkehr nach Auschwitz habe ich erfahren, daß während meiner Abwesenheit Zigeuner vergast worden seien. Der Umfang dieser Aktion war mir nicht bekannt. Ich bin auch nach dieser Zeit nicht mehr in das Zigeunerlager gekommen.”


[363] Statement of Hofmeyer of 19.8. 1965 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Dem Angeklagten ist nicht in dem Eröffnungsbeschluß vorgeworfen worden, an der Räumung des Zigeunerlagers beteiligt gewesen zu sein. Diese Räumung war befohlen; es besteht aber durchaus die Möglichkeit, daß der Angeklagte zu dieser Zeit zugegen war. Die Zeugin Steinberg hat bezeugt, daß der Angeklagte ihr am 31.7.44 die Listen für die Räumung des Lagers übergeben habe. Der Zeuge Polak hat durch einen Türspalt gesehen und will dabei auch Broad erkannt haben. Die Zeugin Hilli Weiß allerdings hat früher erklärt, Broad sei nicht anwesend gewesen. Der Angeklagte Broad selbst bestreitet es; er behauptet, er sei in Arolsen gewesen. Im übrigen ist aber die Feststellung, ob der Angeklagte Broad bei der Räumung des Zigeunerlagers anwesend gewesen ist, für die Ermittlung der inneren Einstellung des Angeklagten ohne Belang, da von keiner Seite ein besonderer Eifer dieses Angeklagten bei der Räumung des Lagers bestätigt worden ist.”


[364] See http://www.holocaust-history.org/auschwitz/labor-force.


[365] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant von Auschwitz, p. 163, see appendix U. At the time of the liquidation, Höß was already replaced by Baer as commandant of Auschwitz and possibly not in the camp anymore.


[366] Interrogation of Knuth-Siebenlist of 4.2.1963 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix U.


[367] Examination of Bergmann of 30.11.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix U.


[368] Examination of Steinberg of 28.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix U..


[369] Examination of Budan of 16.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix U.


[370] Interrogation of Guttenberger of 2.2.1965 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix U.


[371] Examination of Müller of 5.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix U.


[372] See Czech, Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1940 – 1945, p. 838.


[373] See Standortbefehl Nr. 50/43 of 11.11.1943, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 358.


[374] See Piper, Die Zahl der Opfer von Auschwitz, p. 69.


[375] Examination of Stark of 16.1.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich erstellte dann in dem Gebäude der Effektenverwaltung die Personalbögen. Das dauerte oft mehrere Stunden. Die Personalbögen kamen zur Aufnahme. Dort wurden dann Zugangslisten – in elf- oder zwölffacher Ausfertigung – erstellt. Diese erhielten die verschiedenen Abteilungen des Lagers.”


[376] Examination of Bartel of 27.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Die Aufnahme bestand darin, daß die Personalien der in das Lager geführten Häftlingen aufgenommen wurden und daß dann Zugangslisten und Karteikarten ausgestellt wurden. Die Zugangslisten kamen an sämtliche Abteilungen des Lagers (11- bis 12fach). Die Karteikarten und Personalbogen gingen zur Registratur der Politischen Abteilung.”


[377] Piper, Die Zahl der Opfer von Auschwitz, p. 151.


[378] Grotum, Das Digitale Archiv, p. 123.


[379] Piper, Die Zahl der Opfer von Auschwitz, p. 69.


[380] Interrogation of Boger of 10.7.1945 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “[Aus was entstanden die übrigen 20%?] Aus politischen und kriminellen Häftlingen aus allen Nationen. [Hatten diese Leute je eine Aussicht, entlassen zu werden?] Ja! Die Entlassungsaussichten waren aber verhältnismäßig sehr gering. Es sind höchstens 3% zur Entlassung gekommen.“


[381] Gutman (ed.), Anatomy of the Auschwitz death camp, p. 71.


[382] Langbein, People in Auschwitz: „In exceptional cases the ss released German inmate functionaries in order to use them as civilian workers in the camp area. Thus Erich Grönke, a criminal, was installed as head of the leather factory in late 1941, and in July 1942 Dr. Diethelm Scheer, a political prisoner, was employed as an expert fish (p. 160)… The peculiar relationship that developed between Höß and Erich Grönke is especially revealing. Grönke, who had a criminal record of thefts, rape, and unnatural acts and had been sent to the concentration camps as a so-called career criminal, was among the first thirty German inmates who had been sent to Auschwitz from Sachsenhausen. He became a capo in a leather factory. There he had many opportunities to get his hands on leather goods and later, when all leather items taken from the deportees at the ramp were sent to that factory, on valuables hidden in themas well. Höß managed to get Grönke released in 1941 and appointed head of the leather factory. He was given a chance to take an exam in Bielitz and become a master shoemaker. Grönke, who was charged with murdering inmates, gave the following testimony about his relationship with Höß before the examining magistrate in Frankfurt: ‘‘I frequently went to Höß’s villa, sometimes twice a day. Höß always had special requests, and this is what I had to do for him: care for the saddlery of his horses and the family shoes, and obtain things that were needed every day. The leather factory housed not only the shoemaker’s workshop but also the smithy, the locksmith’s shop, the wheelwright’s workshop, and eventually also the tailor’s shop. Höß wanted something from all these workshops, and he used me as an intermediary.’’ Grönke added that he often gave Frau Höß a ride in a carriage. Stanislaw Dubiel remembers that Grönke drove up to the Höß villa every day and brought not only clothes and shoes for the entire family but also fashion accessories and fabrics (p. 310 – 311).”


[383] See Standortbefehl Nr. 32/43 of 13.8.1943, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 324 – 325.


[384] Hefte von Auschwitz, issue 22, p. 154: „Am 1.2.1944 wurde er zum SS-Oberscharführer befördert. Am 1. 7. 1944 übernahm er die Leitung der SS-Küche im KL Auschwitz.”


[385] Broszat (ed.), Kommandant in Auschwitz, p. 255: „Für das Lager selbst entstanden durch diese Juden-Wertsachen nicht abzustellende ungeheure Schwierigkeiten. Demoralisierend für die SS-Angehörigen, die nicht immer so stark waren, um sich den Verlockungen der leicht zu erreichenden jüdischen Wertsachen zu entziehen. Auch die Todesstrafe und schwerste Freiheitsstrafen konnten nicht genug abschrecken. Den Häftlingen eröffneten sich durch die Juden-Wertsachen ungeahnte Möglichkeiten. Die meisten Fluchten sind wohl damit in Verbindung zu bringen. Durch das leicht zu erlangende Geld oder Uhren, Ringe usw. wurde mit SS-Angehörigen und Zivilarbeitern alles eingehandelt. Alkohol, Rauchwaren, Lebensmittel, falsche Papiere, Waffen und Munition waren das Alltägliche. In Birkenau verschafften sich die männlichen Häftlinge nachts den Zugang ins Frauenlager, sie erkauften sich sogar einige Aufseherinnen. Dadurch litt natürlich auch die allgemeine Lagerdisziplin. Die im Besitz von Wertsachen waren, konnten sich bessere Arbeitsplätze, konnten sich die Zuneigung der Kapos und Blockältesten erkaufen, ja sogar Daueraufenhalt im Revier mit bester Versorgung. Trotz schärfster kontrolle konnten diese Zustände nicht abgestellt werden. Das Judengold wurde dem Lager zum Verhängnis.”


[386] See Examination of Morgen of 9.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess).


[387] See Examination of Bartsch of 13.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess).


[388] Report of Boger of 5.7.1945 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “Unter strengster Geheimhaltung – wie überhaupt alles Geschehen im Lager – jeden Monat mußte ein Revers von SS-Angehörigen neu unterschrieben werden – war die Sonderkommission des berüchtigten Obersten z.b.V. Richters und Anklage-Vertreters, SS-Stubaf. Dr. Morgen, mit 6 bis 8 Beamten, darunter Herrn Krim.Rat Drescher aus Berlin, 4 Monate in Au. tätig um »Korruption und Mordfälle« zu untersuchen. Herr Krim.Rat (eingekleideter SS-Hptstuf.) Drescher, ein sehr feiner und objektiver Mann, tüchtiger alter Beamter, bekannte mir bei unseren vielen Privatgesprächen, daß er in seinem ganzen Berufsleben noch nicht einen Bruchteil dessen erlebt hätte, was ihm Au. bot.”


[389] Examination of Wiebeck of 1.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Mit Herrn Drescher – ich weiß nicht, ob er Doktor ist – habe ich keine Anlage innen besucht, sondern Herr Drescher, der fuhr mich mal abends, es war schon sehr dunkel, an eine Gaskammer, an das Gebäude, heran.”


[390] Examination of Morgen of 9.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich habe dann Grabner sofort festnehmen lassen...Der Grabner, der blieb also in Haft und wurde von mir wegen Mordes in mindestens 200 Fällen, die ich namentlich ermittelt hatte, angeklagt.”


[391] Report of Boger of 5.7.1945 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix V.


[392] See Standortbefehl Nr. 51/43 of 16.11.1943, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 359 – 362.


[393] See Standortbefehl Nr. 52/43 of 20.11.1943, reproduced in Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz 1940-1945, p. 362 – 265.


[394] Interrogation of Hofmann of 22.4.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Wie schon bemerkt, wurde ich am 1.12.1942 als Obersturmführer nach Auschwitz versetzt. Dort war noch Obersturmbannführer Höß Lagerkommandant, den ich von Dachau her kannte. Höß war in Dachau Arbeitsdienstführer. Er kam ins Konzentrationslager als Scharführer. Ein persönliches Verhältnis zwischen mir und ihm bestand nicht. Ich habe mich damals bei ihm gemeldet und wurde dann von ihm an den damaligen Schutzhaftlagerführer, Hauptsturmführer Aumeier verwiesen. Bei diesem war ich dann als Schutzhaftlagerführer z.b.V. tätig.”


[395] Examination of Morgen of 9.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ich eröffnete dann auch ein Untersuchungsverfahren gegen den Standartenführer Höß. Und zwar konnte ich auch Höß, zusammen mit den Hauptsturmführern Schwarz und Aumeier, außer einem Meineid auch noch mindestens einen versuchten Mord nachweisen.”


[396] Swiebocki, London wurde informiert, p. 79.


[397] Czech, Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1940-1945, p. 772.


[398] Hefte von Auschwitz, issue 20, p. 179.


[399] Interrogation of Mehler of 17.8.1960 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Bei dieser Gelegenheit erkundigte er sich nach meinen persönlichen Verhältnissen und befragte mich auch über die Vorkommnisse im Lager. Ich weiß auch, daß er bei meinen Kolleginnen dasselbe getan hat. Wir bekamen bei ihm den Eindruck, daß er sich aus menschlichen Gefühlen für unser aller Schicksal interessierte und daß er ehrliches Mitleid mit uns hatte.”


[400] Examination of Burakowski of 26.4.1965 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „In der Mittagszeit hat Broad mir gesagt, ich solle den Opfern Wasser bringen.”


[401] Examination of Diamanski of 19.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Broad war allgemein menschlicher.”


[402] Interrogation of Mehler of 17.8.1960 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Broad war absolut nicht der Typ des SS-Mannes, den man allgemein in Auschwitz sehen und erleben konnte.”


[403] Examination of van Velsen of 23.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Er paßte nicht zu der SS. Ich dachte immer, er sei ein Schützling einer hohen Persönlichkeit, die Broad vor der Front bewahren wolle.”


[404] Examination of van Velsen of 23.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[405] Interrogation of Mehler of 17.8.1960 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[406] Examination of Budan of 16.7.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[407] Interrogation of Kagan of 8.12.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[408] Interrogation of Weiß of 15.3.1965 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[409] Examination of Mylyk of 31.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[410] Examination of Stasiak of 30.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[411] Examination of Mikusz of 26.4.1965 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[412] Examination of Barcz of 9.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[413] Examination of Schaner of 20.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[414] Examination of Wasserstrom 23.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[415] Examination of Bejlin of 28.8.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[416] Examination of Steinberg of 28.9.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[417] Examination of Neumann of 26.11.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[418] Examination of Löw of 30.11.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess), see appendix N.


[419] Examination of van Velsen of 23.3.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): “Broad war intelligenter als Boger”


[420] Examination of Wasserstrom of 23.4.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Er war jung, klug, intelligent und raffiniert.”


[421] Interrogation of Knuth-Siebenlist of 3.12.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Er war zweifellos der intelligenteste Mann der Politischen Abteilung.”


[422] Interrogation of Kagan of 8.12.1959 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Er war nach meiner Auffassung einer der intelligentesten Angehörigen der Politischen Abteilung. Broad war raffiniert und schlau und führte sehr geschickte Vernehmungen.”


[423] Interrogation of Broad of 22.12.1960 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Später in Birkenau bestand für mich kein Zweifel, daß es sich bei den Massenvergasungen dort um rechtswidrige Handlungen drehte.”


[424] Examination of Burakowski of 26.4.1965 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Die Angehörigen der Kattowitzer Gestapo hat er als Metzger oder Fleischer oder Mörder bezeichnet.”


[425] http://www.hdot.org/en/trial/defense/van


[426] Examination of van het Kaar of 1.10.1964 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Ende August haben wir in Munsterlager, das war an einem Sonntag, einen Besuch empfangen von Major Draper, ist jetzt Oberst, war damals Major Draper. Major Draper ist der Offizier gewesen, der den Bergen-Belsen-Prozeß geführt hatte damals. Und der war sehr empört, denn er hatte diesen Bericht und die Liste erst nach sechs Wochen vom 30. Korps empfangen. Wir haben dann den ganzen Tag in meinem Büro mit Broad und seiner Sekretärin diesen Report studiert. Wir hatten in meinem Büro einen Plan von Auschwitz und Birkenau. Der war von Broad erstellt worden. Er hatte eine Büchse Zyklon B mitgenommen, und er hatte Broad genau gefragt, wie das in Auschwitz verwendet wurde.”


[427] Igounet, Entretien avec Jean-Claude Pressac, http://www.vho.org/aaargh/fran/tiroirs/tiroirJCP/jcpvi0003xx.html.


[428] Examination of Burakowski of 26.4.1965: „Die Angehörigen der Kattowitzer Gestapo hat er als Metzger oder Fleischer oder Mörder bezeichnet.”


[429] Faurisson, Response to a Paper Historian, http://www.vho.org/aaargh/engl/FaurisArch/RF8603xx2.html


[430] Faurisson, Answer to Jean-Claude Pressac on the Problem of the Gas chambers, http://www.vho.org/GB/Books/anf/Faurisson1.html


[431] Rudolf, The Rudolf Report, August 2011, p. 73.


[432] http://www.vho.org/D/atuadh/II23.html.


[433] Mattogno, Flames and Smoke from the Chimneys of Crematoria, http://www.vho.org/tr/2004/1/Mattogno73-78.html.


[434] International Programme on Chemical Safety/Commission of the European Communities Evaluation of Antidotes Series, Volume 2, Antidotes for poisoning by cyanide, quoted from http://www.inchem.org/documents/antidote/antidote/ant02.htm (accessed 17 September 2011): “It should be emphasized that the bright-red coloration of the skin or absence of cyanosis mentioned in textbooks (Gosselin et al., 1984; Goldfrank et al., 1984) is seldom described in case reports of cyanide poisonings. Theoretically this sign could be explained by the high concentration of oxyhaemoglobin in the venous return, but, especially in massive poisoning, cardiovascular collapse will prevent this from occurring. Sometimes, cyanosis can be observed initially, while later the patient may become bright pink (Hilmann et al., 1974).”


[435] http://www.holocaust-history.org/irving-david/rudolf/affweb.pdf.


[436] Pressac, Die Krematorien von Auschwitz, document 8.


[437] Mattogno, Auschwitz: Crematorium 1, p. 71: “They had us work in great haste, because the job was not yet done. It was the ventilator for the aeration of the gas chamber; an opening had been made there, into which the ventilator was set to draw out the gas. Before midnight, escorted by SS, we raced to the crematorium with the ventilator, screwed it in and were taken back to the camp by the SS.”

[438] Mattogno, Flames and Smoke from the Chimneys of Crematoria, http://www.vho.org/tr/2004/1/Mattogno73-78.html.


[439] Report of Broad of 13.7.1945: “Es ging pausenlos. Man hatte kaum die letzte Leiche aus den Kammern gezogen und über den mit Kadavern übersäten Platz hinter den Krematorien zur Brandgrube geschleift, als schon in der Halle die nächsten zur Vergasung ausgezogen wurden .”


[440] Interrogation of Broad of 8.2.1961 (Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess): „Die Bunker in Birkenau, die vor den Krematorien zur Vergasung eingerichtet waren, habe ich einmal gesehen, als sie außer Betrieb waren…Mir fällt jetzt ein, daß ich noch ein zweites Mal in dieser Gegend war, ich glaube, es war bei einer Suchaktion nach entflohenen Häftlingen und ein zweiter SS-Mann war noch bei mir – es könnte Boger gewesen sein – als wir zufällig auf ein Gebäude stießen, in welches nackte Menschen, die aus einer Baracke kamen, im »Gänsemarsch« hineingingen. Es dürfte sich dabei um den anderen sog. ‚Bunker’ gehandelt haben, da bei diesem nur eine Tür zu sehen war, während der andere mehrere Türen hatte.”


[441] http://www.vho.org/VffG/2004/2/Mattogno134-150.html.


[442] http://www.vho.org/VffG/2004/1/Rudolf114-118.html.