Ukraine
MGK also see the Ukraine
as a destination for ‘resettled’ European Jews during the war. As discussed
earlier, local Jews in this area were subject to heavy exterminations during
1942, the same year when Jews would have supposedly been deported into this
area.[151] The
Wehrmacht’s arms inspector Ukraine estimated at the end of 1941 that
150,000-200,000 Ukrainian Jews under the German civil administration had
already been killed.[152]
Massacres of such scale continued into the next year. For instance, although
MGK cite a September 1942 wartime news report (the general unreliability of
such a source has been discussed) in Judisk Krönika regarding German
Jews being shipped to Ukraine to work on the fall harvest, they ignore the
recorded execution of hundreds of thousands of Jews in Ukraine during the same
period.[153]
Indeed, Mattogno’s claims to the contrary aside, in the wake of the Nazi
withdrawal from their occupied territories Soviet officials found mass graves
containing thousands of corpses in Ukraine.[154]
In late 1941/early 1942, the Ukraine was indeed planned
to be a destination for the deportation of German Jews. A circular was sent out
by HSSPF Ukraine in early January 1942 to regions in the territory, asking the
localities to prepare for the establishment of ghettos and barracks to
accommodate Jews from the Altreich and report back on their circumstances.[155] The
circular occurred prior to the crystallization of policy after the Wannsee
conference, upon which such wide-ranging deportation schemes fell through.[156] As
Kues recognizes, despite dozens of recorded transports of Altreich Jews to the
Ostland, “none of the documented transports were sent to the Ukraine.”[157]
Indeed, the only documentation connected to Jewish resettlement and the Ukraine
is the delivery of stolen Jewish clothes to ethnic Germans in the territory,
clothes which were stolen at Auschwitz and the Reinhard camps.[158]
Despite a lack of documented transports, MGK try to
create deportations to this region based on other (weaker) forms of evidence.
For instance, they use a May 1942 letter to the governor of the Lublin district
from the county chief at Pulawy, in which he states that 16,822 Jews from his
county had been “expelled across the Bug river,” as proof of their resettlement
into Ukraine.[159]
Although they never specify, we presume that MGK mean GK Wolhynien-Podolien,
which included the cities of Pinsk and Kovel (which they use for other supposed
resettlement destinations as well).[160] This GK
was the site of heavy slaughters in late summer, with nearly three hundred
thousand being slaughtered from August-November 1942.[161]
Extermination in Ukraine was thus largely complete by early 1943, when the Ukrainian
Main Committee complained to Frank that "The view is current that now the
shootings of the Jews come to an end those of the Ukrainians begin."[162]
One specific region to which Kues claims European Jews
were deported was GK Nikolayev. Kues cites a hearsay report published in the
June 1943 issue of the Contemporary Jewish Record suggesting 14,000 Jews from
Belgium and Holland had been deported to Kherson in April of that year.[163] This
is an odd location for Jews to be sent, as a year before the county commissar
had happily reported that “there are no longer any Jews or half-Jews in GK
Nikolayev.”[164]
To achieve such a cleansing of the region, the Jews were murdered. For
instance, in early February 1942 some two hundred Jews of the Zlatopol ghetto
were killed “by gassing with Lorpicrin” on the orders of the county commissar.[165] MGK
also fail to corroborate the hearsay report with either eyewitnesses or
documents.
One could also rule out other possible ‘resettlement’
territories inside Ukraine, further decreasing the available territory in which
to resettle hundreds of thousands of Jews. The General Commissariat of
Zhitomir, located to the west of Kiev, was the target of several liquidations
during 1942. As construction was underway for Hitler’s field headquarters
(often called the Wolf’s Lair), nearby Jews not actively working on the project
were regarded as security threats and killed. A member of the Reich Security
Service, Hitler’s personal security staff, reported that “the Jews living in Vinnitsa
were knocked off on April 16, up to 4,800 (in all).”[166] The
murders in the commissariat continued throughout the spring, with several
actions launched simultaneously in the Gaissin district and other operations
occurring in Monastyrska.[167]
Perhaps as their strongest evidence (and most popular by
their numerous repetitions and quotations), MGK utilize an April 1944 report
from the French communist newspaper Notre Voix.[168] The
report states, citing Radio Moscow’s declarations, that 8,000 Parisian Jews had
been liberated in the Ukraine by the “heroic Red Army.”[169] No
testimonies or documents regarding these alleged thousands of French Jews have
appeared since their “liberation.” MGK do not see the report’s propaganda aim,
clearly portraying the Red Army as saviours of the Jewish people, thus welcomed
news by Jewish and communist sympathizers in France. Particularly, they ignore
the perpetual Soviet efforts to internationalize the Nazi victims. As Pierre
Vidal-Naquet appropriately remarked regarding one denier’s use of a similar
source, “those who speak at every turn of war propaganda should have been able
to perceive that we have in this case a rather typical example.”[170] MGK
also ignore the paper’s emphasis on the Jews’ escape from “the SS bandits
(whom) wanted to shoot them.”
The Ukraine was hardly a realistic prospective site for
the resettlement of hundreds of thousands western European Jews. Already in
January 1942, RK Ukraine reported the food situation as so poor as to have “led
to a decrease in dog ownership” among the people.[171] Such a
situation would persist, despite complaints from the civilian administration.[172] The same
area was later charged to meet extraordinary food production demands for the
Reich at the expense of the local population. Reich Commissioner for Ukraine
Erich Koch told his staff in late August 1942 that “the feeding of the civilian
population in this situation (securing food quantities from the Ukraine) is
therefore completely immaterial.”[173] In
July 1943, when MGK would have hundreds of thousands of Jews ‘resettled’ into
the East, State Secretary Herbert Backe reported “the amount of (food) supply
to be furnished by the Occupied Eastern Territories will still have to be
considerably increased.”[174] The
population who the Nazis cared least about (i.e. Jews) would obviously have
fared the worst amongst all Ukrainian civilians.
Nor is there evidence to suggest that Jews served as a
substantial part of the industrial labor force in throughout 1942 and 1943,
despite the important projects that were going on in the Ukraine.[175] For
instance, no Jews are mentioned as taking a role in the ‘Iwan-Programm’ for
building ammunition factories in the Donets Basin.[176]
Indeed, as mentioned earlier, this
was the period when hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian Jews were being
slaughtered. Counties were pushing to eradicate the Jews in their localities.
As one General Commissariat reported at the end of 1942, “Jewry. The cleansing
of the territory is in its final stages.”[177] By
April 1943 Jews had disappeared entirely from the monthly reports of both GK
Wolhynien and RK Ukraine.[178] On
June 8, 1943, Hitler was able to remark to Keitel and Zeitzler, quoting Erich
Koch, that in Ukraine “the Jews are all gone.”[179] Such
evidence rules out the resettlement of Jews into Ukraine.
[151] See the sections The Europe-Wide Final Solution as well as Killing
of Soviet Jews, Chapter 2.
[152] Bericht Prof. Seraphim mit Anschreiben der Rüstungsinspektion
Ukraine, 29.11.41 and 2.12.41, 2178-PS; cf. Pohl, ‘The Murder of Ukraine’s
Jews,’ p.44.
[153] Report of HSSPF, 26.12.1942; Der Reichsführer-SS, Meldungen an den
Führer über Bandenbekämpfung, Meldung Nr. 51 Russland-Süd, Ukraine, Bialystok.
Bandenbekämpfungserfolge vom 1.9 bis 1.12.42, 23.12.1942, NO-511, also
translated in NMT, Vol. XIII, p. 269-272, also T/338.
[154] M&G, Treblinka, p.223; Roberto Muehlenkamp, ‘The
Atrocities committed by German-Fascists in the USSR (1),’ Holocaust
Controversies blog, 30.4.11, http://holocaustcontroversies.blogspot.com/2011/04/atrocities-committed-by-german-fascists.html;
Roberto Muehlenkamp, ‘The Atrocities committed by German-Fascists in the USSR
(2)’, Holocaust Controversies, 3.5.11, http://holocaustcontroversies.blogspot.com/2011/05/atrocities-committed-by-german-fascists.html;
Roberto Muehlenkamp, ‘Drobitski Yar,’ Holocaust Controversies, 28.6.10, http://holocaustcontroversies.blogspot.com/2010/06/drobitski-yar.html;
Roberto Muehlenkamp, “June 22, 1941” Holocaust Controversies blog,
22.6.2011, http://holocaustcontroversies.blogspot.com/2011/06/22-june-1941.html.
[155] RKU, Der HSSPF, Einrichtung von Ghettos,
12.1.43, DAZhO P1151-1-137.
[156] See The Europe-Wide Final Solution, Chapter 2.
[157] Kues, ‘Evidence,’ 2.1.
[158] Report by Pohl to RFSS, 6.2.43, NO-1257. NMT Vol. 5, pp. 699-704.
[159] MGK, Sobibór, p.302.
[160] Cf. MGK, Sobibór, p.362.
[161] Report of HSSPF, 26.12.1942; Der Reichsführer-SS, Meldungen an den
Führer über Bandenbekämpfung, Meldung Nr. 51 Russland-Süd, Ukraine, Bialystok.
Bandenbekämpfungserfolge vom 1.9 bis 1.12.42, 23.12.1942, NO-511, also
translated in NMT, Vol. XIII, p. 269-272, also T/338. Many more documents related
to the exterminations in GK Wolhynien-Podolien can be found in Jonathan
Harrison, Volhynia-Podolia series http://holocaustcontroversies.blogspot.com/search/label/Volhynia-Podolia
.
[162] Kubijowytsch an Frank, 25.2.43, 1526-PS, NCA IV, pp.79-95.
[163] Kues, ‘Evidence, Part II,’ 3.7.5.
[164] GK Nikolajew, Lagebericht für April 1942, CDJC CXLIV-474.
[165] Fragment of a situation report from BdO Ukraine (gez.
Müller-Brunkhorst), ca. March 1942 (title page missing); TsADAVOV,
R-3676-4-317, p.71; cf. Pohl, ‘The Murder of Ukraine’s Jews,’ p.48.
[166] Reichssicherheitsdienst, Sicherungsgruppe Eichenhain an
Rattenhuber, 12.1. 1942; 16.5.1942 (citation), TsDAVOV 3637-4-116, pp.28ff.
[167] Longerich, Holocaust, p. 349, Spector, Holocaust of the
Volhynien Jewry, p.184.
[168] M&G, Treblinka, pp.257-258; MGK, Sobibór, p.365;
Kues, ‘Evidence,’ 3.1.5.
[169] The newspaper article was first brought to light by Annette
Wieviorka, Deportation et genocide. Entre la memoire et l’oubli. Paris,
1992, p.55, and was seemingly first treated as a Crucial Source by Jean-Marie
Boisdefeu.
[170] Pierre Vidal-Naquet, Assassins of Memory, New York: Columbia
University Press, p.36.
[171] RK Ukraine IIc, Lagebericht, 14.1.42,
TsDAVOV 3206-2-27.
[172] RK Ukraine III b, Die Lage der
Landwirtschaft in der Ukraine unter Berücksichtigung der soeben neu
aufgetretenen Schwierigkeiten, 10.4.42, NA T77/1171/1048.
[173] IMT Vol. XXV, p.318.
[174] Sitzungsvermerk v. 20 August 1943 des ORR Hermann über eine Tagung
am 13.7.43 im RmbO zum Thema: Arbeitseinsatzfragen des Reiches unter besonderer
Berücksichtigung der Verhältnisse in den besetzten Ostgebieten, NO-1831, IMT
XIII, p.1018-19.
[175] Cf. Tanja Penter, ‘Arbeiten für den Feind
in der Heimat – der Arbeitseinsatz in der besetzten Ukraine 1941-1944’, Jahbruch
für Wirtschaftsgeschichte 2004/1, pp.65-94.
[176] Reichsminister für Bewaffnung und
Munition, Der Beauftragte für die Munitionsfertigung in der Ukraine Edmund
Geilenberg, Vorhaben Iwan, Niederschrift über die Iwan-Besprechung am Freitag,
d 18. Dezember 1942, 21.12.42, BA R3901/20271, pp.65-7.
[177] Pohl, ‘The Murder of Ukraine’s Jews,’ p.51, citing CDJC CXLVIIa-29,
Lagebericht GK Wolhynien-Podolien, 31.12.42.
[178] GK Wolhynien-Podolien, Lagebericht für Monat April 1943, 30.4.1943;
RK, Lageberichte für die Monate Maerz und April 1943, 14.5.1943, NARA
T454/26/1-36, 37-59.
[179] Helmut Heiber (ed.), Lagebesprechungen im Führerhauptquartier,
1942-1945, Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1963, pp.115-118; also
1384-PS.
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